Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
CENTRE FOR REGIONAL STUDIES
OF HUNGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

DISCUSSION PAPERS

No. 71
Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian
Border Area

The Case of the EUDIMENSIONS Project

by
Zoltán HAJDÚ – Gábor LUX – Ilona PÁLNÉ KOVÁCS
– Edit SOMLYÓDYNÉ PFEIL

Series editor
Zoltán GÁL

Pécs
2009

Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area

This Discussion Paper is based on the findings of the EUDIMENSIONS (Local
Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Developing Political Community
through Practices and Discourses of Cross-Border Co-operation) research project,
financed under the European Union 6th Framework Programme, priority 7, chapter 4.2.1
(New Borders, New Visions of Neighbourhood).
Project Number CIT5-028804.

The publication of this paper has been financed under the European Union 6th Framework
Programme.

Authors
Zoltán HAJDÚ, scientific advisor, HAS Centre for Regional Studies, Pécs
(hajdu@rkk.hu)
Gábor LUX, junior research fellow, HAS Centre for Regional Studies, Pécs (lux@rkk.hu)
Ilona PÁLNÉ KOVÁCS, director, project leader, HAS Centre for Regional Studies, Pécs
(palne@rkk.hu)
Edit SOMLYÓDINÉ PFEIL, senior research fellow, HAS Centre for Regional Studies,
Pécs (somlyodine@rkk.hu)

ISSN 0238–2008
ISBN 978 963 9899 13 1

Published 2009 by Centre for Regional Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
Technical editor: Ilona Csapó. Translator and language editor: Gábor Lux.
Printed in Hungary by Sümegi Nyomdaipari, Kereskedelmi és Szolgáltató Ltd., Pécs.
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Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
CONTENTS
1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................   5
2  Sub/Trans-Carpathia: a special multicultural region ....................................................   8
2.1 A state-changing region ........................................................................................   8
2.2 The present situation of the region .....................................................................   10
2.3  Minorities in the multiethnic region ...................................................................   13
3  The different scales crossborder relationships ............................................................   14
3.1  The transnational framework of cooperation ......................................................   14
3.2  The development of the Ukrainian NGO sector .................................................   20
3.3   The NGO sector in Hungary ...............................................................................   22
3.4  Civil/NGO activity on the transnational level ....................................................   26
3.5 CSOs existing in the locality ..............................................................................   27
3.6 Differentiated attitudes towards crossborder cooperation among
interviewed CSOs ...............................................................................................   33
4  Economic cooperation and civil society .....................................................................   35
4.1  Inter-state relations and economic development ................................................   35
4.2  Economic cooperation on the local/regional level ..............................................   38
5  Gender issues and social welfare in crossborder cooperation ....................................   43
5.1  Gender as a special welfare problem of Ukrainian transformation .....................   43
5.2  The development of gender issues in Hungarian civil society ............................   46
5.3  Gender-oriented civil issues in the border area ..................................................   48
6  Europe, the border and civil participation in the mirror of the local press .................   49
6.1  The coverage of border issues in selected periodicals ........................................   49
6.2 Scales of representation ......................................................................................   51
6.3  Thematic analysis of border issues .....................................................................   52
7 Conclusions ................................................................................................................   58
References ........................................................................................................................   60

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Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
List of figures
Figure 1  “Sister city” connections between the administrative centres, 2008 ..............   12
Figure 2  The distribution of selected articles by topic..................................................   52
List of tables
Table 1
Research methods and objectives of the EUDIMENSIONS project ................   7
Table 2
Non-profit organisations in Hungary by legal form 1995–2006
(% and number) ..............................................................................................   22
Table 3
The breakdown of non-profit organisations in Hungary by sphere of
activity 1982–2006 (%) ..................................................................................   23

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

1 Introduction
With the concept generally known as Wider Europe, the European Union has
mapped out an ambitious vision of regional Neighbourhood that goes beyond co-
operation to involve a significant measure of integration. Furthermore, the EU
sees this new quality of regional interaction and partnership as bringing enormous
gains to all involved in terms of increased stability, security and well being.
The EUDIMENSIONS (Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbour-
hood: Developing Political Community through Practices and Discourses of
Cross-Border Co-operation) research project, financed under the European Union
6th Framework Programme, priority 7, chapter 4.2.1 (New Borders, New Visions
of Neighbourhood), has sought to map and analyse crossborder cooperation and
political contact-building between the European Union and neighbouring states,
with a special emphasis on the development of civil society, economic interaction
and the specific issue of gender in the crossborder relationship network. Cross-
border cooperation in this respect has been understood as subject to changing
political constellation and rhetoric, involving considerable tension between inclu-
sion, or “Neighbourhood” (the European Union’s efforts to integrate its wider
neighbourhood in various forms of political and economic partnership) and exclu-
sion, or “Fortress Europe” (the increasing securitisation of Europe’s external bor-
ders in order to protect the community from unregulated flows of goods and peo-
ple). The conflicting images of Wider Europe have had their effect on govern-
ance, but also individual citizens, whose attitudes and views have provided a
more ground-level understanding of how bordering shapes interaction between
communities previously closed off from each other, and now hindered in their
daily interactions by rigid border crossing regimes.
EUDIMENSIONS is based on the cooperation of eight research groups in-
volved in border studies, altogether responsible for the preparation of nine spe-
cific case study pertaining to crossborder regions along the EU’s current eastern
(and in the case of Morocco–Spain, southern) external border. Coordination and
the preparation of a final synthesis report has been the responsibility of the lead
partner, Leibniz Institute for Regional Development and Structural Planning (IRS,
Berlin), represented by James W. Scott. The project has addressed the following
specific objectives:
  To better understand the implications of new European geopolitical contexts
for crossborder civil society interaction;
  To analyse civil society co-operation processes, the multilevel contexts
within which they operate and the role of the EU in conditioning these rela-
tionships within the Neighbourhood;

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

2 Sub/Trans-Carpathia: a special multicultural region
2.1 A state-changing region
The region belonging to Ukraine and approached from several spatial views,
called Sub-Carpathia by many and Trans-Carpathia by others, has a multicultural
character peculiar from many aspects; nevertheless, it is far from being unique in
Central and Eastern Europe. The present political, social, economic, ethnic, lin-
guistic, religious etc. versatility of the region were defined by long-term, histori-
cal processes, and to a considerable extent also the territorial rearrangements tak-
ing place as a consequence of the changes of powers.
During the 20th century, the political belonging of the region, the power and
territorial integration, its power and political centre (capital city) changed many
times and fundamentally within a short interval. Between 1918 and 1991, the
region can be defined as a specific “state-changing” area from the political geo-
graphic perspective: under less than a century, it saw the rule of the Austro-
Hungarian Monarchy, Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Soviet Un-
ion (as part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) and finally independent
Ukraine, not to mention various short-lived state formations. This is basically the
consequence of the fact that the region became a buffer zone of great powers in
the course of history. In 1946–1991, the region, as part of the Soviet Union, was
actually a closed area of military operations. Road and rail transport moved huge
amounts of materials, but the state border was sealed in both directions, prevent-
ing the inhabitants from contacting each other. Until 1988–1989, the Hungarian-
Ukrainian border had rather peculiar features and functions:
  The border was open for exchanging ideologies between both countries but
the inflow of Soviet ideology was dominant in this process. The outflowing
thoughts and ideas from Hungary were often received with doubt and scep-
ticism, and often, their spread was seriously constrained.
  The border was serving as a contact zone for the “indivisible and insepara-
ble” and “fraternal” Hungarian–Soviet connections, as well as an internal
border for the Eastern Bloc alliances (COMECON, Warsaw Pact).
  The border was open for great flows of goods, Záhony and its cargo transfer
zone often being referred to as “Europe’s biggest mainland port”.
  The border was open for Soviet Army troops and their military cargo trans-
port.
  The border was open for Hungarian travellers on official matters and for a
gradually increasing number of long-distance tourists.
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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

  The so-called “red” (socialist) passport issued in Hungary was valid for all
European socialist states, but wasn’t accepted for the Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia without a separate visa supplement.
  The border was closed for local residents on both sides of the border.
  Regarding interregional relations (between Szabolcs-Szatmár County and
Transcarpathia), the border was more closed than open; contact was limited
to narrow, “ceremonial” and highly formalised relations.
  There were no genuine CSOs in state socialist societies; therefore, crossbor-
der civilian relations did not exist at all.
There was one border station for road traffic and one for railroad traffic along
the 137 km border line. Beregsurány was the only border station operating on
casual basis, and it was reserved for military traffic.
The birth of the independent Republic of Ukraine was a fundamental turning
point for the whole of Central Europe. Within the new state formation the region
remained a “self-governing” administrative unit, a border region to four countries
(Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania), making the region a reception area of
the new Ukraine towards the Central European and in a wider sense the European
neighbourhood. At the referendum on the independence held in 1991, the majority
of the inhabitants of the region voted for the sovereignty of Ukraine; in the Hun-
garian-speaking areas the proportion of supportive votes was even higher than the
average. Regarding regional autonomy, 78% of the region’s population supported
awarding autonomy to Transcarpathia, which could not take place under the com-
plicated interior political conditions at that time (Fedinec, 2002). From the point of
Hungary the region “opened up” in 1988–1989 after its former isolation. The
Hungarians living in the region were given new possibilities to shape their cross-
border relations. In everyday life there are economic, unemployment problems and
hardships of living, which partly have a national and ethnic content. Despite this
fact the “everyday multiculturalism” enriches the life of the region and creates
new possibilities for making economic and spatial relations, especially for the
development of tourism.
The main focus of our analysis is not the historical processes; instead, the pre-
sent form and problems of multiculturalism are looked at, also referring, on the
other hand, to sensitivities coming from history. Naturally, one dominant segment
of the analysis for us is the understanding of the relationship between the Hun-
garian minority and the majority of the region.

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

2.2 The present situation of the region
The region is one of the westernmost areas of Ukraine gaining its sovereignty in
1991. Coming from its historical changes, both the international and internal po-
litical relations of the region has many sensitive, sometimes rather “touchy” is-
sues. In territory (12,777 km2) it is one of the smaller administrative units, its
number of population is nor very significant either (1.2 million inhabitants), but
its importance in the life of the country exceeds its mere size.
The “region with many state borders” has “minority bridges” to each
neighbour state: there is a significant number of Slovaks, Hungarians and Romani-
ans and a smaller number of Poles living in Sub-Carpathia; also, there is Ukrainian
and Rusyn minority in the neighbour states. Towards all neighbour states there are
asymmetries in the number of minorities, but the importance of the issue lies not
simply in the number of inhabitants belonging to the respective ethnic minorities.
The mother countries (Czechoslovakia, after 1993 Slovakia), Romania and Hun-
gary paid special attention to the ethnic minorities living in the newly independent
Ukraine. With regards to the nations concerned, the Czech, the Slovaks, the Hun-
garians, the Rusyns and the Romanians have always looked and still look at the
region from within the Carpathian Basin (as Subcarpathia, Podkarpats’ka Rus, Kár-
pátalja and Pidkarpats’ka, respectively), whereas the Poles, Russians and Ukraini-
ans have seen and still see the region from the outside (Transcarpathia, Zakar-
pats’ka), which can be seen in the names of the region in the respective languages.
Even within the Hungarian community several names of the region were used in the
19th and 20th century.
In 1993 the region was a founding member of the Carpathian Euroregion (i.e.
the development of the cross-border relations started almost parallel to the gaining
of sovereignty of Ukraine), which offered considerable chances for the region in
the beginning; however, the operation of the Euroregion did not meet the great
expectations. It currently has a rather formal and bureaucratic character, and is
less of an active actor significantly promoting spatial processes. Nevertheless the
concepts and strategies etc. completed have been important inasmuch as they
have allowed the region to join the international spatial processes and coopera-
tions to some extent. The region “opened up” towards the neighbour states.
The basic economic and social features of the region are defined by the
Ukrainian Statistical Yearbook of 2004 and 2005: the region has a territory of
12.8 thousand km2, a population of 1,245,500 people, and a density of population
of 97 persons/km2, which is above the Ukrainian average (78 persons/km2). Ad-
ministratively the region is divided into 13 rayons, the number of towns and cities
of different character and status is 19, and the total number of municipalities with
village status is 579. The character and internal proportions of the settlement net-
work are determined in many respects by the physical geographical endowments.
The settlement network of the plains and the mountainous areas and the respec-
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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

tive settlements themselves are rather different from each other. The ethnic com-
position of the settlements has also considerably affected the municipalities:
  The first city in the order of magnitude is Uzhhorod (Ungvár), the
administrative centre of the region. In 2006 it had a population of 117 thou-
sand people; it was among the smaller regional centres within the Ukraine.
Within the region this city has a dominant character from several aspects.
Coming from its size, administrative functions, economic roles and educa-
tional positions Ungvár, in addition to being a multiethnic city (although the
majority of the population is Ukrainian and Rusyn by now), has a special
multicultural character.
  According to the statistics there is only one other city in the region the
population of which exceeds 50 thousand, Mukaceve [Munkács], whose
population reaches almost 100 thousand. The economic positions and
macro-regional transport functions of the city are strong; also, it has an out-
standing historical importance for each ethnic group living in the region.
  The number of population in Berehove [Beregszász] has slightly exceeded
25 thousand. Beregszász is the intellectual, economic, education etc. centre
of the Hungarian ethnic group with a homogeneous spatial dominance in the
area.
  Khust [Huszt] has a population just over 27 thousand. The multiethnic and
multicultural character of the town was stronger in history than it is now,
but its still enriches the life of the settlement.
  Chop [Csap], with a population of only 7800, is nevertheless of special im-
portance because of its road and rail border crossing station and reloading
centre with enormous traffic. The town became a point of concentration for
the Russian population in the time of the Soviet rule.
Uzhhorod, the administrative seat of the region of Transcarpathia has con-
sciously expanded its neighbourhood relationships. It is apparent that Nyíregy-
háza has become the de facto centre of sister city relationships in the wider region
(Figure 1).
In GDP per capita, Transcarpathia is also among the least developed regions in
Ukraine based on its performance in 2002–2004. On the basis of comparative
tables covering a longer period of time we can see that the development of the
region, relative to itself, was significant in 1996–2003, the economic structure
stabilised and the economic capacity of the region increased. Nevertheless, unem-
ployment became one of the major problems of the socio-economic life of the
region. When discussing unemployment we have to analyse urban and village
unemployment separately. The change of the living standards and the living con-
ditions is partly connected to the ethnic composition of the respective municipali-
ties or areas. We can see a sort of conscious development and capital allocation

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

2.3 Minorities in the multiethnic region
The last Soviet census held in 1989, before the gaining of the sovereignty, defined
the ethnic composition of the region. According to the data of this census, the
region had a total of 1,245,618 inhabitants, of whom 78.4% said they were
Ukrainian (976,749 persons), 12.5% declared themselves as Hungarian (155,711
people), 4% as Russian (49,458 inhabitants), 2.4% said they were Romanian
(29,458 people), and 1% called themselves Gypsy (12,131 inhabitants, a clear
understatement). The census also counted 7,329 Slovaks, 3,478 Germans, 2,639
Jews, 2,521 Belarus citizens and 6,144 inhabitants of “other” ethnic origins.
The biggest question mark of the census is the number of the Rusyn popula-
tion, as this ethnic group was not among the ethnic nations printed on the form of
the census. When the sovereignty of the Ukraine was gained, the number of
Rusyns in the region was estimated to be around 650–750 thousand inhabitants.
The denial of the presence of the Rusyn ethnic group by the Ukrainian state is
probably due to the fact that the region should have been given a territorial auton-
omy if the large number and high proportion of the Rusyn ethnic group had been
verified. According to Ukrainian laws, the equality of the citizens is given and
ethnic minorities may even have extra rights in their place of residence. The real
problem is not the lack of formal rights but their effective keeping.
The Hungarian ethnic minority is not discriminated in the Ukrainian state; the
Hungarian–Ukrainian Base Agreement had a separate chapter on the special rights
of the ethnic minorities living in the two countries and the protection of their
rights. Within the region, the social, economic and political environment and con-
ditions in the broader sense for the co-existence and the relations of the Hungarians
and the Rusins are actually free from problems. At the time of the systemic change
the Hungarian pupils and students were able to learn in approximately 100 Hun-
garian language schools or Hungarian–Ukrainian bilingual institutions. At the
State University of Uzhhorod [Ungvár], some 700 Hungarian students have been
able to study every year after 2000, partly in the Hungarian language. In Berehove
[Beregszász], a college operated by a foundation was created from Hungarian and
local resources, presently called the Ferenc Rákóczi II College.
The census held in 2001 showed a slight decrease of population compared to
the figures of the census made ten years earlier, and the number of the inhabitants
belonging to the respective ethnic groups changed to some extent, too. The share
of the Ukrainians (1,010,100 people, 80.5%) somewhat increased since the previ-
ous census. The proportion of the Hungarians – to a large extent due to the emi-
grations – slightly decreased (to 151,500 people), their proportion fell to 12.1%.
The share of the Romanians slightly increased (to 32,100 inhabitants, 2.6%),
whereas in the case of Russians there was a sharp decrease (to 31,000 persons,
2.5%). The number of Gipsy population slightly grew (to 14,000 inhabitants,

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

1.1%). The share of the Slovaks (0.5%) and Germans (0.3%) remained practically
unchanged.
A new element of the census was the possibility for the citizens to declare
themselves Rusyn, but very few people (10,100 people, i.e. 0.8% of the popula-
tion of the region) actually said that they were Rusyn by ethnicity, although their
number is estimated to be around 650–750 thousand.
The location of the Hungarian ethnic group is characteristic in the region; the
majority lives in one block along the Hungarian–Ukrainian state border. Only a
smaller share of the Hungarians live scattered in other rural settlements (Kocsis,
2001); on the other hand, there is a significant number of Hungarians living in the
major cities and towns of the region, especially in Uzhhorod [Ungvár] and
Mukaceve [Munkács]. This location makes it easier to maintain the mother
tongue but makes it more difficult to acquire the national language. (During the
Soviet rule it was not Ukrainian but Russian that was taught in the Hungarian-
speaking settlements, so the majority of the generations growing up in the Soviet
era did not learn Ukrainian.) The Hungarian ethnic group is linguistically homo-
geneous, but it is divided by religion and political affiliation, and there are
strongly increasing economic disparities within the Hungarian community as well.
This development – which can be considered natural – requires new approaches
within the minority communities and offers connection points towards the major-
ity.
3 The different scales of crossborder relationships
3.1 The transnational framework of cooperation
In discussing the development and cross-border activity  of civil society and or-
ganisations in Ukraine and Hungary, between the Ukrainian region Transcarpa-
thia and Northeast-Hungary, it is important to see that in the framework of cross-
border cooperation, global (UN), north-Atlantic (NATO), European (OSCE),
European Union-related, transnational, international, Ukrainian, Hungarian na-
tional, Ukrainian–Hungarian bilateral, oblast-level, district level and other organi-
sations, as well as their various subdivisions, are present. In the following section,
the focus is on the defining transnational relationships that affect the region, in-
volving the broader scope of EU–Ukraine cooperation and the more specific, but
also more immediate role of Ukrainian–Hungarian contact building.
The years 1988 and 1989 brought a significant breakthrough in the Soviet and
Hungarian bilateral relations. The border opened up for the locals and four new
border stations were built between the two countries. Several families split up by
the border for several decades were once more reunited, but the opening up of the
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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

border also provided significant opportunities to exploit the benefits of crossbor-
der economic contact resulting from significant price and product availability
differences between the two countries. The massive flow of people; their trade
and smuggling created the majority of human contacts, to be followed by institu-
tional cooperation only later on. Hungary – still during the existence of the Soviet
Union – was the first to recognise the independence of Ukraine and to open its
embassy in Kiyiv. Since Ukraine won its independence, a host of new inter-gov-
ernmental agreements have been made between Hungary and Ukraine. From our
point of view the following should be highlighted:
  A Good Neighbourhood and Cooperation Agreement between the Govern-
ment of the Republic of Hungary and the Republic of Ukraine, signed on the
6th of December, 1991. This can be considered as a base agreement of
Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, and served as a starting point for organising
other fields of cooperation.
  An Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Hungary and the
Republic Ukraine in the Field of Environmental Protection and Regional
Development (November 1993). This can be considered as a base agree-
ment on environmental and regional development cooperations between the
two states. The two parties established the Joint Committee of Hungarian-
Ukrainian Environmental Protection and Regional Development, which
meets at least once bi-annually.
  All in all, 20 major inter-governmental agreements have been signed be-
tween Hungary and Ukraine during the contact building period. It can be
said that between 1991 and 1999, a functioning agreement-based relation-
ship system had been established between the two states.
Since Ukraine’s independence, the EU has also gradually turned its attention
on the new state and established the institutional system of dialog. After the dec-
laration of independence, it immediately recognised the independent Ukrainian
state, and was among the first to assume diplomatic contact. The new state com-
mitted itself to the development of democracy and the market economy, although
all parties were in full knowledge of the fact that the realisation of these commit-
ments would be long, arduous and rife with conflicts. The political elite of
Ukraine was assuming it would receive wide-ranging and immediate economic
assistance from the EU, while the EU primarily viewed Ukraine as a political
partner, primarily in foreign and security policy.
In 1993, the Ukrainian Parliament passed a resolution, committing itself to EU
membership as a future strategic goal. The country simultaneously applied to the
WTO, assessing the market economy turn as having taken place. Mid-June 1994,
the two parties signed the EU–Ukraine Partnership and Cooperation Agreement
(PCA), which came into effect 1st May 1998, establishing economic and political

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

agendas of common interest for a span of 10 years. Institutional forms of political
contact have come into effect: EU–Ukraine Summit, ministerial cooperation
frameworks, experts’ committees and sub-committees, inter-parliamentary coop-
eration committee, etc. Later, seven areas were cited as of outstanding relevance:
energy, trade and investments, justice and home affairs, harmonisation of
Ukrainian structures towards the EU, environmental protection, transport, cross-
border issues, scientific cooperation, cooperation in technology and space explo-
ration.
From our perspective, commitment to develop crossborder cooperation bears
special importance. The geopolitical situation of Ukraine is a fundamental issue
for the EU as well as the entire Europe. After 2004 the western regions of Ukraine
may enjoy close relations with the border regions of the EU; both parties have
acknowledged their readiness to this effect. Between 1991 and 2001, the EU had
granted support to a sum of € 1072 million. In the framework of action pro-
grammes, € 464 million; in the framework of others, € 608 million had been as-
signed to the country. During this period the EU turned to be the key facilitator,
promoter, and supporter of the development of civil society sector in Ukraine.
This willingness to engage in crossborder cooperation has also manifested in the
Ukrainian–Hungarian dimension: after the mid 1990s, Hungary had consciously
supported cooperation along its borders as a new instrument of spatial develop-
ment. Energy politics and minority issues are relevant for local society, although
they are strongly influenced by the agendas of central governments and the EU;
on the other hand, civil organisations (both Ukrainian and Hungarian) also have
an increasing stake in encouraging this process, because this way, they are able to
improve their operational circumstances and efficiency.
In September 2000, the Ukrainian Parliament has accepted the country’s EU
integration agenda, preordaining the adoption of acquis communautaire, the
wholesale incorporation of human rights agreements, and the integration of the
country into pan-European security agreements. In June 2002, president Kuchma
announced the “European Opportunity” strategy in Parliament. The strategy set
concrete goals for the 2003–2011 period regarding EU integration. It was ex-
pected that Ukraine would meet all EU membership conditions between 2007 and
2011.
In May 2003, with respect to the period following the upcoming enlargement,
the European Commission articulated the European Neighbourhood Policy
(ENP). By May 2004, the Commission also developed the programme’s Strategic
Study (Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: A New Framework for Relations with
our Eastern and Southern Neighbours), touching on both the southern and eastern
neighbourhood of the community. Country reports for all countries in question
were prepared; in Ukraine, it was a cause for disappointment that Ukraine was
only considered as an “EU Neighbour”, similar to neighbouring Moldova and
Belarus. With countries capable and willing to approve EU value standards (this
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Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

includes Ukraine), the EU signed a bilateral ENP Action Plan. Since 2004, the
ENP has served as a determining factor for Hungarian goals in foreign policy
towards Ukraine. The Hungarian Government’s actions are strongly influenced by
this Joint Action Plan, but its scope of authority does not extend to all details, and
Hungary has had a significantly stronger interest in keeping border relations open
than the ENP’s more securitisation-oriented projections, leading to a partial clash
of EU and Hungarian interests over border control regimes. In the year 2003, the
previously effective, simplified crossing and checking procedure had to be dis-
continued in small border traffic, and an obligatory visa system was introduced
starting 1st November 2003. In our research, visa requirements and the circum-
stances of border crossing were brought up in interviews as an evident and crucial
hurdle before cooperation on both sides of the border; Transcarpathian Hungari-
ans were especially negative about reinstated visa regimes. The problems of
crossing have also been a cornerstone issue in the local, regional and national
press in both Hungary and Ukraine since 1989. The reinstatement of small border
traffic from 31 December 2007 in Hungary after EU accession was met with
unanimous approval on both sides of the border.
2005 brought fundamental changes in residential crossborder relations in sev-
eral aspects: Hungary, partially because of financial and budgetary restrictions,
partially by the urging of the EU introduced a strict customs control procedure for
goods carried through the border by local residents. Hungary instituted a policy
and introduced countermeasures against the massive smuggling of various goods
(petrol, alcohol, cigarettes). By November 2005 ’petrol-tourism’ (illegal trading
with petrol through the border) had practically been eliminated. As these meas-
ures had a very adverse effect on the living conditions of inhabitants on both sides
of the border; local public opinion on this development is uniformly and over-
whelmingly negative.
In October and November 2004, the Ukrainian presidential election invoked an
internal crisis that had significant bearings on wider Europe. As a result of the
Orange Revolution, Autumn 2004, the Supreme Court of Ukraine decided in fa-
vour of Viktor Yuschenko in January 2005. The president, speaking in the Euro-
pean Parliament, declared the strategic objective to achieve full EU member
status, and placed euro-atlantic integration at the head of the agenda. The Orange
Revolution was also the period of the growth and strengthening of Ukrainian ci-
vilian society. Although political parties were the main organisers, the mobilisa-
tion of civilian society exceeded all previous occasions. International civil organi-
sations and outer financing were very important element of the processes. As
another consequence, in 2005, Ukraine unilaterally waived visa requirements for
the citizens of EU member states. The country did not set demands for this action,
but made it evident that it would expect the relaxation of travel from the EU.
Yulia Tymoshenko, the new prime minister, encouraged accelerating the pace
of the integration process and achieving associate membership at the earliest pos-

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Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

sible opportunity in her introductory speech. In the European Parliament, Polish
and Hungarian representatives expressed special support for Ukraine; Polish MPs
were especially ardent on encouraging the development of the EU’s new Ukrain-
ian policy. In these same days early 2005, Benito Ferrero-Waldner, foreign affairs
commissioner of the EU made it known that the EU could offer no “integration
perspectives” for Ukraine at this point. The EU’s stance was reason for disap-
pointment for the new government elite that has been behind the revolution.
However, in October 2006, the EU and Ukraine closed a visa agreement, intro-
ducing transparency to the mode, adjudication and granting of visas. The agree-
ment provides preferential treatment to some groups (journalists, researchers,
students, etc.) compared to the standard process.
In March 2007, new talks have started in the interests of imbuing the previous
Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA). The EU–Ukraine New Enhanced
Agreement (NEA) talks have touched upon almost all substantial issues of com-
mon interest between the interested parties. In country reports, the EU has recog-
nised a gradual advancement in human rights and freedom of press. In the case of
national minority rights, it has been evaluated positively that in December 2006,
Ukraine ratified the European Convention on Nationality agreement. Ukraine has
made major strides in the interests of harmonising foreign affairs and security
policy with the EU, and to take into account the legitimate concerns of the EU
CFSP communiqués. The question of analysing civilian society and organisations
is a central component of all reports. The EU has reported the success that after
January 2007, registration fees for civilian organisations were significantly re-
duced, and, in case of trade unions, entirely abolished. In November 2007, the
Ukrainian government passed its proposed concept for the development of civil-
ian society.
Ukrainian–Hungarian relations had experienced an intensive period of contact-
building in 2007 and 2008. On 14th January 2007, Hungarian Prime Minister
Ferenc Gyurcsány paid a one day official visit to Transcarpathia, where a meeting
with Hungarian minority NGOs and churches was followed by talks with Viktor
Yuschenko, the President of Ukraine. The negotiations between the two statesmen
were focused on the situation of the Hungarian ethnic minority in Ukraine and the
current issues of the development of inter-governmental relations. In the middle
of January 2007, the presidents of the two states held a meeting in Transcarpathia.
The main topics of their discussion covered such issues as the general situation of
Hungarian education in the region, the problems of students’ applications for sec-
ondary school final exams and their admittance into higher education institutes,
the environmental issues of the Tisza river and the chances for the establishing of
the Záhony–Chop Special Economic Zone. These meetings were followed by the
signing of the Action Plan of the Republic of Hungary and the Government of
Ukraine for the year 2007, declaring short and mid-term tasks in the area of econ-
omy, transport, the energy sector, water management, environmental protection
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Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

and the human sector (health services, visa regimes, culture, education, and ethnic
minorities). In July 2007, Viktor Yuschenko paid a two-day visit to Hungary. The
most important result of this visit was that the parties made an agreement on re-
vising the possibility of opening new border crossing stations. During the official
talks, demands for a common approach towards the issues of environmental pro-
tection, water and forest management were being raised.
In January 2008, visa agreements between the EU and Ukraine came into ef-
fect. The EU expects the new system to encourage easier contact-building, as well
as strengthening the effectiveness of measures against illegal migration. Also in
January 2008, the Ukrainian parliament ratified the “expulsion agreement”, a
precondition for easing EU visa requirements. In May 2008, the EU and Ukraine
agreed to create five large receiving and refugee centres with a support of € 30
million, for the temporary accommodation of illegal immigrants. Civilian society
organisations, human rights bodies, and especially Amnesty International’s
Ukrainian representatives have voiced protests against these agreements, claiming
that this would result in the further marginalisation of defenceless refugees. On
21st December 2007, Hungary became a part of the Schengen Zone, which re-
sulted in significant changes in the rules of border crossing in several aspects. The
EU approved the restoration of small border traffic on the Hungarian-Ukrainian
border. A bilateral agreement has been made between Hungary and Ukraine on
this issue which defined a 50 kilometre zone on both sides of the border where the
regulations of small border traffic should be applied. In Ukraine 382 settlements
are located in this zone. Hungary – with all of its border sections – is also intend-
ing to join the EU’s 2007–2013 European Regional Cooperation Programme. The
Hungary–Romania–Slovakia–Ukraine ENPI (European Neighbourhood and Part-
nership Instrument) Crossborder Cooperation Programme 2007–2013 involves
Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County on the Hungarian side as an eligible area, , while
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén County is going to take part as an adjacent area with full
participation. In Ukraine, Transcarpathia and Ivano-Frankivsk Oblasts participate
as eligible areas while Chernivtsi Oblast is involved as an adjacent area with lim-
ited participation. At the current date, the Hungarian-Ukrainian border area has an
increased opportunity to build both cross-border and inwards-oriented networks;
to this end, it gains the support of both the European Union and national govern-
ments on both sides of the border. According to the final version of the pro-
gramme, approved on 19th October 2007, four priorities have been formulated:
  Promoting the economic and social development
  Enhancing the environment
  Increasing border efficiency
  Supporting people to people cooperation

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

Early 2008, new talks between Ukraine and the EU were started regarding the
expiring PCA agreement. The new “Enhanced Agreement’s” contents are in con-
tinuous development. The EU is interested in Ukraine’s economic stabilisation
and development. The preparations for the free trade agreement have started, and
this may become a reality after Ukraine’s WTO membership. In August of 2008,
a government resolution supported by both the government and the opposition,
declared Ukraine’s long-term commitment to closer integration towards EU
structures, but contained no provisions for NATO membership. This action is
consistent with the precarious geopolitical situation which is a current defining
factor of the Ukrainian situation.
3.2 The development of the Ukrainian NGO sector
Before the Orange Revolution, the Ukrainian state was not especially interested in
strong civil society, and development is still in very early stages. Several inter-
viewees have mentioned that no Ukrainian funding opportunities exist, or if they
do, they cannot be accessed: Ukrainian state organisations often announce tenders
with an intentionally short application period to make participation impossible.
More specific forms of discrimination are also apparent: according to the repre-
sentative of the Hungarian Ferenc Rákóczi II (foundation-operated) College in
Transcarpathia, the Hungarianness of the institution is already enough to exclude
them from any Ukrainian budgetary support. On the other hand, it is also apparent
that if a civil organisation assumes a function of the state, such as providing
training for the unemployed, they have good opportunities to close a contract with
an Ukrainian state organ and receive due compensation.
The national legal environment has a strong influence the development of civil
society. Regulations concerning social organisations are considered to be highly
contradictory by interviewees. In Ukraine, it is very easy to establish civil organi-
sations, since three persons at the age of majority have the right to legally register
one. Therefore, the number of CSOs is very high, but most of them are “sleeping
organisations”. It poses a burden that they have to reregister themselves annually,
and their survival, or actual activities, are even more complicated. Civil organisa-
tions are required to announce their areas of activity, and if they intend to change
this, or become a microregional, regional or international organisation from a
local one, they need to undergo a complicated administrative process. According
to one legal expert, the main problem is that the majority of Ukrainian non-profit
organisations don’t do any accounting, and only collect invoices and bills; since
they have no balance, fiscal planning becomes impossible. Lacking the latter, the
organisations are precluded from public support, which, on the other hand, denies
them of the ability to undertake real activities. Moreover, civil organisations are
often involved in activities which are linked to special permits, and the authorities
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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

often do not grant these because they consider them exclusively public competen-
cies. All in all, the boundaries between public and social activities are not yet
clearly separated in Ukraine.
Although NGOs are regulated by law in Ukraine, the regulations are incom-
patible with European legal standards. This can be well illustrated by such exam-
ples as NGOs not being authorised by law to open a bank account in a foreign
country, and difficulties in obtaining foreign currency. The lack of legal harmoni-
sation with EU laws is erecting a barrier between Ukraine and EU member states
in this area. Besides the weak legal regulation of the NGO sector – due to the long
traditions of autocratic governance style and the paternalistic attitude of the state
towards its citizens – the cultural receptivity of initiatives originating from the
NGO sector is very low. The interviews with the representatives of Ukrainian
NGOs gave us a rather mixed impression on the state’s attitude towards NGO
activities. On the one hand the majority of NGOs cannot expect any support from
the state for funding, but on the other hand, some of them are subsidized by the
state – for example through the Job Centre of Ukraine – for performing some of
their public duties. The Ukrainian government – unlike the Hungarian one – has
no special policy for the development of the NGO sector. Nevertheless, NGOs
can’t even rely on financial support on the local level either.
In 2003, the World Bank sponsored a comprehensive research and analysis to
shed light on the full cross-section of Ukrainian civil society (Civil Society in
Ukraine, 2003). The research was undertaken by professional Ukrainian organi-
sations (Democratic Initiatives Foundation, SOCIS). The main results of the re-
search confirmed prior expectations: considering formal institutions, the Ukrain-
ian tertiary sector was extremely wide; in contrast, the number of genuinely active
organisations was narrow. Ukrainian NGOs were organised on multiple spatial
levels (national, regional and local). During the research process, the researchers
found that, all in all, 80% of all NGOs were organised on the city or oblast level.
From among cities, Kiev was especially prominent. The primary activity areas of
surveyed organisations involved organising training programmes and activities,
collecting and disseminating information, humanitarian or social assistance, lob-
bying for the interests of specific social groups or providing legal defence and
assistance services. Cross-border activities did not feature prominently – despite
the fact that the majority of oblasts neighbour national borders. Cross-border re-
lationships were mostly concerned with ecological and environment protection
activities.

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

3.3 The NGO sector in Hungary
Hungarian society is not characterised by a developed civilian culture, which can
be explained not just by objective factors deriving from the economic and politi-
cal milieu or the diminutive role of reciprocity, but also cultural and mental rea-
sons. It is evident that the historical precedents, the one-party state before the
current situation, eliminated even the meagre traditions of civil society, although
it is also relevant that the slowly awakening civil society played a role in prepar-
ing the ground before systematic change. The development of civil society had
already started before the 1990 change, in conjunction with crisis symptoms in
economy, politics and society. From ecological, local patriotic and peace move-
ments, university students and the club movement started to expand in the 1980s,
especially after foundations (1987) and social organisations (1989) were regulated
as legal entities. With the opportunity to freely establish social organisations,
8514 organisations had been registered by 1989, in contrast with only 6570 in
1982. In a particular way, systematic change actually hindered the extensive de-
velopment of civil society, since a significant section of the new central and local
political elite was recruited from the ranks of active civil participants (Bőhm,
2006). After a temporary slowdown, a rapid expansion process became apparent
from the mid 1990s. In 1995, 42,783 civil organisations were registered, increas-
ing to 53,022 by 2003 (Table 2–3).
Table 2
Non-profit organisations in Hungary by legal form 1995–2006
(% and number)

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2003 2006
Foundation
35.5 36.1 37.5 38.6 38.7 39.3 37.3 35.7
Public
foundation
1.1 1.6 1.8 2.0 2.3 2.5 2.7 2.8
Society
53.3 53.3 52.3 48.0 48.0 47.6 49.8 51.6
Public corporation
0.6
1.4 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 0.9 0.8
Trade
union
4.8 4.4 3.5 3.2 3.0 2.7 2.2 1.8
Employers’ associations
4.2
2.3 2.7 5.8 5.3 4.9 4.6 4.1
Public non-profit company
0.4
0.8 1.1 1.3 1.6 1.9 2.3 2.8
Non-profit
institution
0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1
Association
– – – – – – –
0.2
Total
42783 45316 47365 47384 48171 47144 53022 58242
Source: Nonprofit szervezetek Magyarországon. KSH, Budapest. 2000, 2003, 2008.
(http://portal.ksh.hu/ pls/ksh/docs/hun/xftp/idoszaki/pdf/nonprof06.pdf)
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Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

nance their activities primarily from national or municipal sources. Consid-
ering that both governmental and municipal public service providers have
been suffering from a shortage of funding and capacities, this public non-
profit form was also appropriate for the involvement of certain private
funds, donations and voluntary work for the benefit of public services.
  The second group is made up of organisations operating on the principle of
self- (or mutual) benefit. The majority of non-profit organisations registered
in Hungary de facto belong to this category. Self-benefit organisations,
which provide their benefits collectively for their members, are less altruis-
tic, but socially beneficial. In essence, this type can be seen as making up
the real civil sector, undertaking self-organised and supportive activities,
and mostly distant from politics and public power (societies and founda-
tions).
  Organisations making up the third group of politics-related entities are also
self-benefit organisations, but should be functionally differentiated, as self-
benefit organisations are typically active in the area of sports and recreation.
This sector is characterised by the strong influence of political parties, and
activities which are closely associated with exercising power on the central,
but more often local level.
If we analyse the proportions of the previous segments of civil society, it be-
comes clear that significant restructuring has taken place due to the changes of
financing, legal regulations and the processes of the political environment. The
genuinely civilian sector is shrinking in comparison with the public non-profit
segment generated by public power and public finance. In the direct political par-
ticipation of civil actors, retrenchment is taking place. The polarisation of the
party system, and the “partyfication” of the local government sector leads to the
marginalisation of civil representation, and limits their purposes and existential
basis.
In the relations of the civil sector and the state, two or three periods can be de-
lineated:
  The first period at the beginning of the 1990s was a “romantic ancient
state”, described by the lack of regulations, spontaneity, but a strong will-
ingness for cooperation.
  The second period saw the refinement of the rules for cooperation, the
emergence of institutional forms, and a desire for planned and conscious
activities. There was formal consolidation, public support for the civil sector
was regulated on a wide legal basis with the creation of the National Civil
Base Programme, and the central and local governments both developed
civil strategies.
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

 It is possible that we can identify the current period as a third one – a stage
where civil society is characterised by increasing uncertainty and drifting
apart, coinciding with a renewal of protest/issue-oriented approaches; con-
flicts and control attempts versus cooperation between the public and civil
sector. It can only be hoped that this stage will be resolved by gaining inde-
pendence from public power, where the role of public funds will decrease in
contrast with the activity and support of private actors.
Concerning the above described situation, we consider applicable the argu-
ment of the noted sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf, who proposed that systematic
change in politics may take place under six months, in the economy in six years,
but for the development of civil society following the appropriate ethical norms
and patterns, six decades would be needed.
As for the international and European Union-related activity of civil organisa-
tions, it is hard to construct an exact picture. If our starting point is how many
civil societies have the word “European” in their title, we find 316 organisations
among those registered; however, the European dimension of their actual activi-
ties may not be verified, and is uncertain whether it is substantial. It is visible that
similar organisations increased in numbers around the time of EU accession, and,
even if not all of them have an international relationship network or activity pro-
file, “European” at least describes their value system. Of course, evaluation may
not ignore organisations that do not use “European” in their titles. It is a relatively
new phenomenon that a number of social organisations are specialising in Central
and Eastern Europe (among the 316 “European” organisations, 24 also use this
appellation), recognising that cooperation with the neighbourhood is easier to
organise on the basis of the shared past, common problems and geographical
proximity. However, only 4 legally registered organisations specify Ukrainian-
Hungarian contact-building as their focus.
Naturally, the range of civil organisations involved in border area or crossbor-
der cooperation is not at all limited by names; there are also several civil organi-
sations whose activity is not primarily contact building, but in whose case inter-
national contacts are only a means in framework of exercising their primary pro-
file. These organisations have to be distinguished from those which are specifi-
cally active in cultivating border relationships (during our research, we have reg-
istered multiple similar organisations, such as the EuroKapocs-EuroClip Founda-
tion, jointly established by the Hungarian Foreign Ministry and the self govern-
ment of Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County). It is specifically these civil organisa-
tions where the strongest motivating force is the utilisation of support from the
Hungarian government and European Union funds, while genuine “civilian cour-
age” is the lowest, as they are either ab ovo invested with public authority, or are
at least tightly affiliated with it.

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

In the national register, we can find four organisations specifically created for
the fostering and development of Hungarian–Ukrainian relations:
  Hungarian–Ukrainian Society, founded in 1991, seat Budapest,
  Hungarian–Ukrainian International Society for Development of Economy,
founded in 1994, seat Budapest,
  Hungarian–Ukrainian Rafting-Trekking Friendship Club, founded in 1998,
seat Nyíregyháza,
  Hungarian–Ukrainian Foundation for the Development of Commerce,
founded in 2005, seat Kecskemét.
3.4 Civil/NGO activity on the transnational level
Before the Orange Revolution, but partly in preparation for the European
Neighbourhood Policy, “YES – Yalta European Strategy (International Network
for Ukraine in the EU)” was created, involving nationally and internationally
recognised personalities. The organisation has, since its foundation, kept the
broadening of EU–Ukraine relationships, encouraging Ukraine’s EU-accession,
and the development of crossborder cooperation in the forefront of its interests.
The organisation’s work has been aided by active and senior politicians known on
the global stage. On annual conferences, the question of Ukraine’s EU member-
ship, as well as encouraging crossborder contact-building has been continuously
on the agenda. The organisation has prepared a programmatic document,
“Ukraine in the EU, Agenda 2020”. As an international network, YES might be
the most influential entity in Ukraine formally operating as a civil organisation on
both the national and international level.
The foundation of the Carpathian Euroregion in 1993 was of outstanding im-
portance with respect to crossborder relations and civil organisations. In effect,
Transcarpathia was the Euroregion’s “core”, opening to all neighbour countries
(Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania). CSOs did not play a central role in the
formative processes, but they occupied strong positions in sectoral programmes.
Carpathian Foundation was created in 1994 as a civil organisation, especially
through the support of various American institutions and foundations. CF first
organised programmes on the territory of the Carpathian Euroregion, announcing
tenders and initiating its own projects. CF’s activities became very diverse under
the span of a few years: environmental and cross-border development, the training
of marginalised groups (Roma) and others became prominent in its areas of inter-
est.
In Hungary, preparing for EU membership, the Nyíregyháza Initiative was
formulated from 2001, and created October 2003. On an international conference,
organised by the the state administration of Transcarpathia and Szabolcs-Szatmár-
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Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

Bereg County, EU, NATO, EBRD and OECD representatives were present. The
main aim of the political initiative was to be a regional supplement to the EU’s
then embryonic eastern, and neighbourhood policy. In the intentions of the
founding members, they sought to help Ukrainian democratisation processes by
the preferential development of the civilian sector. They established a training and
support policy which allowed the leaders of several Ukrainian CSOs to get ac-
quainted with the defining characteristics of European civil society, as well as
crossborder contact building opportunities.
If we examine the whole of civil organisations in detail, we can draw the con-
clusion that among their activities, the development of crossborder cooperation
and regional development in border areas features only rarely. However, we can
mention a number of CSOs who focus on these areas. NEEKA is a remarkable
example of a multinationally established (Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Ukraine
and Romania) civil initiative, focusing on environmental protection, healthcare,
refugee support (in parnertship with UNHCR) in the area of the Carpathian Eu-
roregion, and has been highly active since 2002. The issue of refugees, in general,
has become more and more important on the civil organisation’s agenda. La
Strada Ukraine, an NGO whose central mission is the prevention of the traffick-
ing of Ukrainian women, operates a regional office in Uzhhorod. Transcarpathia
was the “western gateway” of human trafficking in Ukraine, which makes the
presence of the NGO self-explanatory.
In August of 2008, microregions of four neighbouring states (Slovakia, Hun-
gary, Ukraine, Romania) at the three rivers (Ung, Tisza, Túr) formed a new de-
velopment region, with the aims of common development across the state borders.
The leaders and civil organisations of 216 settlements, with 400 thousand inhabi-
tants, would like to apply for EU projects.
3.5 CSOs existing in the locality
Non-party and non-state civil organisations in Transcarpathia appeared in con-
junction with the appearance, and later spread of Gorbachev’s policies. Ethnic
Hungarians were among the first to establish new-style democratic CSOs.
Kárpátaljai Magyar Kulturális Szövetség (KMKSZ) originally intended to act in
the area of culture, but from its beginnings (February 1989), it diversified into
representation, and political intentions. In 1991, the Transcarpathian Hungarian
Scouts Alliance was reformed, becoming a youth movement unlike the previously
known. The alliance consciously tried to build crossborder relationships.
Not just Hungarians, but also the Ukrainian majority and other minorities
(Rusyn, Slovak, Romanian, Gypsy) started to build genuine civil organisations.
According to the twists and turns of the internal political situation, civil organisa-
tions were first characterised by cooperation, then competition, then rivalry. The

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

majority of conflicts emerged between various Ukrainian nationalist organisa-
tions, and Rusyn or Hungarian civil organisations.
The re-emergence of crossborder relations on the Ukrainian–Hungarian border
after transition has been undergoing parallel with regional institution-building,
including the growth of civil society organisations (CSOs). If we are to evaluate
the effects the activities of state organs have on CSOs, we must draw a line of
distinction between Hungary and Ukraine. In Hungary, a range of governmental
organisations, especially ministries and their funds, encourage crossborder coop-
eration. Their supportive activities are primarily effective in the area of Hungar-
ian–Hungarian contacts. Unfortunately, it is also possible to register a downside
to this support in the form of “civil business”, where organisations are formed
with the sole objective of acquiring these funds, and have no perceptible social
activity. Hungarian budgetary funds are also available for civil actors interested in
economic and regional development, with a real effect on Ukrainian–Hungarian
cooperation – even if the primary motivation is support for the Hungarian minor-
ity, and not specifically the development of neighbourhood relations.
In Ukraine, a string of civil organisations has been established under the aegis
of Hungarian minority policy, and endowed with public funding by various Hun-
garian ministries, governmental foundations and funds. Some CSOs active in this
segment are involved in economic development as their primary profile, but they
mostly focus on encouraging civil society in Transcarpathia through cultural and
youth associations, information transfer, representation and the protection of mi-
nority rights. They mention meetings, forums, civil fairs and occasionally training
for tender writing as the outcome of their activities, but it is notable that they usu-
ally could not list projects or EU tenders with a concrete result. These organisa-
tions usually do not have a connection to Union organs, and their activities can be
considered negligible from the perspective of neighbourhood policy, being artifi-
cial constructs, created in service of the state’s minority policy.
The cooperation strategies of civil organisations established on the local and
regional levels are dependent on their profiles on both sides of the border. It is
easy to set apart “facilitating” organisations which try to encourage the activities
of the civilian and economic sector by their actions, and see the generation of
cross-border contacts as their primary objective. The strategies of these organisa-
tions were and are motivated by trying to exploit the time and knowledge advan-
tage of Hungary over Ukraine in the field of European Union integration. They
were for the most part established to gain tendered funds, facilitate the participa-
tion of others on tenders, and to spread the culture and knowledge of tendering.
The actual activities of these organisations focus on training, conference organi-
sation, the dissemination of funding opportunities; often extend to writing tenders,
and more rarely their management as well. Their work should not be underrated,
since they play a role in trying to prepare economic entities along the border for
market conditions, and to this end, are a vital source of knowledge on EU stan-
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

dards, procedures, laws, taxation, environmental standards and regulations on
establishing joint ventures. In occasional cases, the dissemination of know-how is
supplemented by the organisation of fairs and exhibits, which create working
cooperative relations across the border. As one of the interviewees remarked,
“economic relationships aren’t emotionally or nationally motivated” – and also,
they manifest themselves in the narrowly defined scope of economic exchange,
with only an indirect connection with the concerns of neighbourhood policy.
This group of civil organisations is not entirely homogeneous, since it is possi-
ble to delineate a sub-group who are directly involved in economic development
or job creation. A smaller segment is made up of NGOs redistributing public
funds, or, in a specific category, using them in support of the Hungarian minority
beyond the border. In this respect, the focus is primarily Hungarian–Hungarian
contact building, although these CSOs only make up a small portion of all civil
organisations.
In the other group, we can include thematically organised CSOs which get in-
volved in crossborder cooperation to extend their activities to a wider dimension.
Environmental, cultural, womens’ and Roma organisations can all be included
under this umbrella. They cover important issues, but have a weaker influence
than those involved in economic and regional development. These civilians strive
to develop cooperation with one or more partner organisations across the border
that cover similar areas of interest. There have even been some examples where
they sought to encourage the establishment of a corresponding Ukrainian organi-
sation to facilitate future contact building, as their activities become more effec-
tive if a certain problem (e.g. environmental protection, waste management,
knowledge dissemination) can transcend the dividing function of the border. Joint
tender applications play a special role here, since common activities may not be
realised without a source of funding.
Naturally, in Ukrainian–Hungarian crossborder relationships, we can find ef-
fective CSOs established by foreign donor organisations. Their network building
and cooperation strategies are heavily influenced by the mother organisations, and
they tend to be experienced in the area of EU tenders. The trainings and educa-
tional opportunities of these organisations are often used by thematic civilian
organisations; the latter, in fact, are often one of their target audiences, and an
indirect way to strengthen Ukrainian civil society.
The development of civil organisations in Transcarpathia and the increase in
their numbers can be followed continuously. Stefan Bathory Foundation and Citi-
zens’ Initiatives Centre have been tracking the growth and changing activities of
all Transcarpathian civil organisations; by 1995, they numbered 200, and by
2000, 280 actually operative CSOs were in evidence. The lists published in 2006,
which are both considered comprehensive, list 1239 on the social NGOs, and 428
charity organisations, listing name, address, leader and sphere of activities. The
Transcarpathian Community of Hungarian Intellectuals, registered September

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

1993, has published a different database specifically focused on Hungarian or-
ganisations and institutions in Ukraine on an annual basis. It is apparent that civil
organisations have appeared in ever widening areas of social processes, and in
many ways, became specialised and highly differentiated. We must also remark
that Hungarian civil organisations were more active than the organisations of
other minorities. This has in all probability been influenced by the intent to ac-
quire Hungarian funds. It can also be seen by looking at the leadership of these
organisations, that a relatively restricted circle of persons appears in Hungarian
CSOs; one person, or one family might be involved, interested in multiple civil
organisations.
The majority of CSOs studied during the research period have political con-
nections. On the Ukrainian side of the border, this can be unequivocally stated
about organisations under the influence of Hungarian minority policy, in light that
the majority of their funds are coming from Hungarian budgeted support. These
organisations are divided along party lines, affiliated with either government or
opposition forces. As we have mentioned, these actors build their contacts in the
Hungarian–Hungarian relationship. Hungarian CSOs typically associate with the
two blocs defining Hungarian political life, and are ideologically divided along
these lines. Moreover, the two leading representative organisations, KMKSZ and
UMDSZ, play the same role indirectly, “collecting” organisations under their
aegis.
Several civil organisations operating in the Ukrainian–Hungarian border area
have local governments as their members. In other cases, in addition to local gov-
ernment-related founders, we can see the county administration and investor
groups (e.g. Agency for the Promotion of Investments). Therefore, these organi-
sations can be best considered as non-profit interest groups who try to draw ad-
vantages from civil status (especially in the area of gaining tender funding); how-
ever, they are closer to the public sector than top-down civil initiatives. In
Ukraine, we have been able to map multiple civilian umbrella organisations
which group a range of CSOs with different profiles. These often politically in-
volved organisations are active in the “soft” areas of the civil sector, such as the
29-strong Forum of Hungarian Organisations in Transcarpathia, encompassing the
areas of social support, education and youth organisations.
From our interviewees, there were almost none who could mention a connec-
tion towards local governments, unless they were established by the same; there
were, however, cases where a civil organisation realised a project originally initi-
ated by and for the benefit of the local government. In Ukraine, local governments
have no decision autonomy or resources of their own, which poses significant
barriers before their involvement.
In 2001, Hungarian self governments in Transcarpathia created the Self Gov-
ernment Alliance of Border Settlements, whose main aim is the development of
wide relations towards neighbour countries (not limited to Hungary). Hungarian
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

self governments along the state border have interests in the wide-ranging devel-
opment border relationships.
In Transcarpathia, one of the most consciously organised civil organisation is
Advance Transcarpathian Consulting and Development Centre, created with in-
ternational assistance, which has gradually broadened its activities. The pro-
grammes of Advance are organised on a territorial instead of an ethnical basis,
and it is known for involving other Ukrainian, Hungarian, Roma, etc. CSOs in its
programmes. Since 2003, Advance has organised the most conferences about the
neighbourhood programme and the preparations it makes necessary. It can be
safely said that the organisation has become a regional information centre for
CSOs working in the region. In its cooperation initiatives, a network of 20 organi-
sations is commonly involved.
KIÚT Regional Development Association, a large umbrella organisation has
made groundbreaking work in the area of preparing for the development of the
Záhony–Chop transportation system, crossborder logistical relations and
macroregional transport networks. The association, with regards to Transcarpa-
thia, has also built a wide-ranging, non-ethnical system of relationships. Support
for CSOs and their networks, training and conferences have been continually or-
ganised to disseminate and popularise the EU’s neighbourhood initiatives. With
the involvement of a Slovakian and a Ukrainian partner, “KIÚT” has helped set
up a common organisation to study the issues of the triune border.
In Spring 2008, the Civilian Knowledge Repository was opened, helped to a
great extent by the Inspi-Ráció Association of Nyíregyháza. The library has one
of the most extensive collections of material related to civil society and organisa-
tions; its accommodations were provided by the Roman Catholic parish.
In 2006, Nyírmada–Beregszász– Ukrainian–Hungarian Helping Hand Public
Non-profit Foundation was registered to do social support on the territory of
Transcarpathia, and especially Berehove [Beregszász].
In Autumn 2008, VÁTI Public Non-profit Company, with the support of EGT
and the Norwegian Financing Mechanism, announced the tender for “The devel-
opment of crossborder cooperation in the Hungarian–Ukrainian border area”
(HU0013/NA2005-1/PA-9), which once more improved the tender positions of
CSOs in Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County and Transcarpathia. The tender set
down four priorities: sustainable economic development, human resource devel-
opment, education, cultural and innovation cooperation, environmental protection
cooperation and local infrastructure development support.
The General Assembly of Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County, the City of Nyíre-
gyháza and the Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Hungary supported the crea-
tion of EuroClip-EuroKapocs Public Non-Profit Company. The main mission of
the public non-profit company is the development of Ukrainian–Hungarian rela-
tions, especially in the interregional and crossborder dimensions. In short time,
the company became an important centre for crossborder programmes, contact-

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

building and training civil organisations in Ukraine. Their tendering and support
activities primarily served the strengthening of CSOs.
In the scope of international development policy, the Hungarian Foreign
Ministry also created the Ukrainian–Hungarian Cultural, Educational and Infor-
mation Centre in 2008, with activities in multiple districts of Transcarpathia. A
separate treaty has established cooperation with the Ukrainian–Hungarian Cul-
tural Cooperation Association of Rahiv (Rahó) District.
At present it cannot be said that the civilian sphere has prepared any strategies
of their own on cross-border cooperation. Today their profiles are rather more
dependent on their parent organisation’s profile, and for what activities they can
win funding. It is obvious that both EU and national allocations are relaying co-
operation-related priorities. On the regional and local level, projects targeted at
economic development, education and the development of the human sector are in
the majority, but tourism and environmental protection also appear frequently.
There are several foundations and associations on both sides of the border, acting
as financial distributors for the promotion of the civilian sphere or of the economy
(EuroClip, TES-Fund, KIÚT Regional Development Association, Carpathians
Foundation, Advance Transcarpathian Consulting and Development Centre, etc.).
The majority of NGOs involved in crossborder activities are well aware of the
EU’s Neighbourhood Policy. With some exceptions they have already partici-
pated in it and received some grants through these programmes. It was ascertained
during interviews that Hungarian and Ukrainian higher education institutes, al-
though they have extensive foreign relations, have not yet applied for EU re-
sources. This can mostly be explained by the fact that the organisational units
involved in international cooperation have no independent decision-making com-
petencies or they are unable to raise money for the own part of the project; more-
over, they sometimes lack the requisite expertise and management capacity for
crossborder cooperation projects. Finally, the classification of the above-men-
tioned institutes into the category of civil organisations seems to be a problematic
case, particularly in Ukraine where the dominance of the state prevails.
Civil organisations tend to consider the EU enlargement a positive develop-
ment, resulting in increased interest from the Ukrainian side towards EU-related
knowledge. It is undeniable that the most important motivation is in the funding
opportunities that became available. However, they also placed an emphasis on
knowledge and experience transfer, the dissemination of an “European outlook”
and management culture. However, the internationalisation of organisations is
hindered by the hurdles of crossing the border, as well as the very poor public
transport opportunities. All in all, CSOs thought it positive that they got closer to
the EU, and hoped that it would make them adopt a different way of thinking. On
the other side, it was brought up as a critique that the neighbourhood policy ulti-
mately serves the EU’s self-interests: by encouraging the advancement of quality
of life along the external borders and the democratisation of societies, it seeks to
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

guarantee its own security, without respect to other concerns (however, it has also
been remarked by interviewees that funds allocated to developing the local econ-
omy did more for the security of the border area than the much higher prioritised
projects for strengthening controls).
Some CSOs, especially professionalised bodies, have been involved in EU-
funded projects (mostly TACIS, INTERREG and PHARE). These opportunities
are valued not just for funding, but also for encouraging “good practice”, dis-
seminating management knowledge and contributing to democratic procedures
(particularly in Transcarpathia). The perceived rationality of EU projects was
evaluated in contrast with the irrationality, corruption and inefficiency of the local
public sector; thus, the EU is sometimes seen as a democratic ideal – not neces-
sarily in its current operations, but the sort of principles and practices it should
encourage.
3.6 Differentiated attitudes towards crossborder cooperation among
interviewed CSOs
Based on our research, it is apparent that civil organisations interviewed in the
border area do not usually have relations with the European Union or its organs.
26.8% of surveyed organisations report that they have such a relationship. This
includes actors such as the Ukrainian National University and the College of
Nyíregyháza, which can only be considered “civilian” by the most generous un-
derstanding of the term – on the other hand, they enjoy active and dynamic
Ukrainian–Hungarian contacts. Participation in projects benefiting from EU
funding show a more positive picture, since 37.1% of surveyed organisations
reported such. However, it is typical that those CSOs which have completed EU-
financed projects have been involved in multiple ones, usually in the framework
of Phare, Interreg, TACIS and CBC programmes. It can be generally stated that
those organisations which have dared to establish themselves on the EU level
have been successful at gaining funding for their activities.
Views on the role of the EU are not uniform among civil organisations that are
engaged in crossborder activities, and this is often based on knowledge or the lack
thereof about the EU’s neighbourhood policy. 56% of interviewees have re-
sponded to the effect of knowing the NNP well, 33% have heard of it, and a mere
11% confessed to unfamiliarity. In this light, we can evaluate how civil actors
have evaluated the NNP’s effects on crossborder cooperation: 33% stated that it
would/could be very helpful, but 44% were more sceptical by stating that it
“could have some positive effect”. Those interviewees who had no knowledge of
the NNP gave no opinion. Comments accompanying the responses included re-
marks such as “it could be beneficial to cooperation if tender opportunities were
continuous [plannable], and there was appropriate finance”. On the Ukrainian

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

side, responses were more nuanced: “We understand the gist of border area co-
operation, that it aims to raise the quality of life on the other side of the border
and stabilise the situation. On the other side, it makes border crossing much
harder…”
Organisations mostly looked at the EU as a source of tenders, an organ from
which it is possible to gain funding for the development of civil relations. Several
CSO representatives had a positive opinion on the EU’s perspectives. It was a
common statement that the intensive contacts developed between people should
be maintained even under a stricter border regime, because these play an impor-
tant role in supply, and prevent a negative social explosion. Therefore, the op-
portunities of the border economy are still ripe for exploitation. Concerning the
issues of the environment, it was proposed that they can only be treated effec-
tively in the framework of international cooperation, and that an EU approach is
not just beneficial for the member state, but also Ukraine. According to a Hun-
garian regional development organisation, “this sort of support is a crucial moti-
vation for our crossborder activities”. However, the same representative men-
tioned that the NNP was significantly less effectively communicated than either
Phare or Interreg. And concerning Ukraine, there have been some pessimistic
remarks, both because of bureaucracy and problems in governance and a culture
of cooperation.
Some Ukrainian civil organisations are very strongly embedded into
neighbourhood policy, and are known to disseminate information about it. For
example, although Advance Foundation has organised conference after confer-
ence on the NNP, which have covered the question of civil relations, financial
perspectives and project opportunities, the networked cooperation of social or-
ganisations and support opportunities for marginalised groups, one of the founda-
tion’s experts said that “in the execution of the neighbourhood policy, the oppor-
tunities of CSOs can naturally only be secondary to those of state and govern-
mental organisations”. In a centralised state, the role of civilians on the local and
regional level are not yet as significant and spectacular as in Kiyiv. One of the
main reasons is that organisations that could become active in cooperation do not
have operative independence, or aren’t able to provide the resources required for
tender participation. This statement is also applicable to local governments.
Nonetheless, thanks to the work done by civil organisations, neighbourhood
policy and the opportunities it offers have found their way into the minds of ci-
vilians and state organs alike. Multiple civil actors have emphasised that civilians
can have an effect on government organs, since they often come up with initia-
tives that result in a relaxation of regulations. Civilians active in the area of cul-
ture were more sceptical, and reported no perception of the Union’s effects in the
sphere of arts and arts-centred cooperation. They would find it important to open
some tender opportunities in this area, as, again, “culture is the strongest binding
link between people”.
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

In scope of the research, interviewees provided their evaluation on the role of
civil organisations in various segments of public life. The surveyed civil repre-
sentatives saw the role of civilians most prominently in local economic develop-
ment, local social development, and environmental issues, and gave surprisingly
positive comments. In social development, 73% of actors evaluated them as very
good or good, and only 20% as neutral; only one respondent gave a negative
evaluation. Although the presence of civil organisations in environmental protec-
tion is still somewhat nascent, 69% of the surveyed considered their performance
good or very good. Finally, in local economic development, the responses were
somewhat more balanced: 56% gave evaluations of good or at least neutral, while
44% as bad or very bad (here, not all responses were clear enough to properly
tabulate; others did not feel qualified to provide an answer).
4 Economic cooperation and civil society
4.1 Inter-state relations and economic development
In the framework of the new regional development policies starting in Hungary
after the mid 1990s, cross-border relationships had been calculated as a new pos-
sibility of spatial development. Energy politics and minority issues are relevant
for local society and crossborder relationships, but they are primarily set by the
decisions of central governments. Civil organisations (both Ukrainian and Hun-
garian) have a stake in encouraging Ukraine’s EU-integration, because this way,
they are able to improve their operational circumstances and their efficiency.
Hungary’s EU accession was preceded by great hopes and expectations on
both sides of the border. EU integration did not hinder the development of Hun-
garian–Ukrainian economic relations, as the volume of foreign trade between
Hungary and Ukraine increased by 20 to 25% annually. By 2004, the value of
goods traffic between the two countries increased to, and subsequently superseded
2 billion USD per annum. By 2004, Hungarian, firms had invested 70 million
USD into Ukraine in the pharmaceutical, financial, service sectors and construc-
tion industry.
Until 1988–1989, the Hungarian–Ukrainian border had rather peculiar features
and functions; while personal traffic was restricted, the border was open for great
flows of goods, energy and raw materials, Záhony and its cargo transfer zone
often being referred to as “Europe’s biggest mainland port”. The opening of the
border in 1989–1990, and the establishment of independent Ukraine, resulted in a
development of economic relations between the respective states. Hungary’s ap-
proaching EU membership accelerated economic processes in the Hungarian–
Ukrainian relations. In April 2001, the Hungarian Chamber of Commerce and In-

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

dustry founded its Ukrainian Section with 133 members. It became the driving
engine of developing bilateral economic ties between Hungary and Ukraine. The
section is national, but 80% of members are from Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
County or the Northern Great Plains Region. In February 2003, the Hungarian–
Ukrainian Regional Development Office was opened with the sponsorship of
TACIS.
In January 1999, an Act on the Establishment of a Special Economic Zone in
Transcarpathia was passed. The Act granted economic preferences for 15 years
for businesses investing over 250 thousand USD in the zone. After the year 2004,
the legitimacy of the whole economic zone was questioned, but at that time the
value of per capita foreign investments had been 195 USD in Transcarpathia,
compared to the average sum of 176 USD per head in Ukraine as a whole. In May
2005, the Parliament of Ukraine suspended the tax benefits granted to the Eco-
nomic Zone. In the year 2003, the County Council of Transcarpathia and the Re-
gional Development Council of Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County together pre-
pared a Joint Development Concept for the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Region.
The Concept overviewed the most important aspects of the two countries’ af-
fected areas in conformity with the EU’s professional standards, and formulated
possible development alternatives. In October 2003, the Hungarian Government
established Záhony Enterprise Zone which was formed with the purpose of initi-
ating economic relations between Hungary’s eastern parts and Ukraine. From
regional development aspects, the Zone was declared as an investment project of
primary importance, but its development progress was very slow.
Following its entry into the EU, Hungary joined the international develop-
ment cooperation activities targeted at providing support for transitional and de-
veloping countries. Hungary’s efforts for support were mainly focused on Ukraine
within the programme of Nyíregyházi Kezdeményezés (Nyíregyháza Initiative).
Between 2004 and 2006 the EU’s Neighbourhood Programme at the joint border
zone of Hungary, Slovakia and Ukraine was focused on crossborder socio-eco-
nomic cooperation and on cooperation programmes in the fields of environmental
protection and transport.
On 6th March 2007, the prime ministers of Ukraine and Hungary signed the
Action Plan of the Republic of Hungary and the Government of Ukraine for the
year 2007. The Action Plan declared short and medium-term tasks in the area of
economy, transport, the energy sector, water management, environmental protec-
tion and the human sector (health services, visa regimes, culture, education, and
ethnic minorities). The agreement dedicated a special chapter to the directives of
developing cooperation agreements. In the field of economy, it involved:
 cooperation and information exchange between state property management
organisations;
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

  the intensification of cooperation between ITDH and INVESTUKRAINE,
facilitating businessmen contacts;
  establishing direct regional cooperation with some governorships in
Ukraine, including the modernisation of neighbouring border regions with
the involvement of EU funds;
  the introduction of the commercial development services of the Hungarian
EXIMBANK and MEHIB to Ukrainian businessmen, providing govern-
mental support to joint projects;
  making an agreement on small border traffic between the two countries, a
better utilisation of economic relations between the two sides of the border,
providing access to EU grants designated for such purposes within the EU’s
Neighbour Policy Programme;
  sharing experience gained during Hungary’s EU accession period and EU
membership.
In the field of transport the following tasks were formulated:
  the joint development of the Záhony cargo terminal by Hungarian, Russian
and Ukrainian partners, the establishment of an international logistic centre;
  for the development of Ukrainian-Hungarian border regions, the improve-
ment of the facilities of passenger and freight transport between Hungary
and Ukraine by building road infrastructure, border crossing stations, rail-
way lines and a new bridge in Záhony.
In the energy sector and water management, the tasks were the following:
  increasing the security of energy transport; a wide scale cooperation in the
field of the energy sector;
  increasing the capacity of gas pipelines coming from Ukraine to Hungary;
  working out proposals for building hydroelectrical stations with a perform-
ance of less than 20 MW on the Upper Tisza taking into account the aspects
of water management, flood prevention and environmental protection;
  the revision and updating of the Inter-governmental Agreement on Environ-
mental Protection and Regional Development of 1993;
  the intensification of cooperation in the fields of water management and
waste management in the territory of the Upper Tisza;
  the revision of the operational issues of the waterworks facilities in the terri-
tory of Upper Tisza with special regards to the relevant directives of the EU;
  the intensification of cooperation in the field of environmental industry.
In July 2007 the Hungarian government made a decision on 258 high priority
projects, including the development of Záhony into an economic centre to again
serve as the eastern gateway of Europe. The Hungarian government thinks of

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

Záhony not only in the framework of Hungarian–Ukrainian relations; rather, it is
implementing its development projects in a wider European and Central and East-
ern European scale context.
During the period of Ukrainian transformation, Hungarian–Ukrainian relation-
ships were not free of problems; especially because of the special features of pri-
vatisation in Ukraine. We cannot say that Hungarian entrepreneurs had been dis-
criminated in any way, but rather that the events of Ukrainian domestic politics
and economic policy had had negative impacts on Hungarian businesses as well.
As an example, we can mention the establishment of the Special Economic Zone
in Transcarpathia and the subsequent termination of its economic preferences.
The conflict between Ukraine and Russia over gas prices and transit delivery,
which had broken out January 2006, was a serious threat for Hungary’s energy
supply as well. This was a moment of truth for Hungarian society and the political
elite, who only now started to see how serious the consequences of the political,
economical and infrastructural heritage of the Soviet era may be. This situation
depends not only on what is going on in Russia, but on the domestic situation
within Ukraine, the transit country, as well.
Gas and energy relationships are questions which indirectly surfaced in all in-
terviews made with economy-oriented civilian organisations. It was a continuous
question in the local seminar organised in Záhony, and talks made with represen-
tatives in regional administration. Environmental protection organisations and
local press articles emphasised the environmental dangers of current economic
contact and planned investments. The same questions were raised on Hungarian
online discussion forums regarding existing and proposed energy production and
distribution initiatives.
On 10–11 July 2007 Viktor Yuschenko, the President of Ukraine paid a two-
day visit to Hungary. During the official talks, demands for a common approach
towards the issues of environmental protection, water and forest management
were being raised. Regarding economic and crossborder cooperation, the Ukrain-
ian party raised a proposal for offering a territory on the Ukrainian side near the
border for gas storage purposes with a capacity of 1 billion m3 of natural gas to
increase the security of Hungary’s gas supply.
4.2 Economic cooperation on the local/regional level
Crossborder relations between Ukraine and Hungary have experienced a rebirth
since transformation. We can see that the inhabitants of the border area, especially
on the Ukrainian side, experience the process of European integration as an am-
biguous development, just like Europe’s messages are themselves contradictory.
There is a tension between the wish to encourage a Wider Europe where borders
can be transcended, and the concept of a highly securitised “Fortress Europe”
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

attempting to exert strong control on its frontiers. Visa requirements and the cir-
cumstances of border crossing have been a constant source of problems.
Economic flows are less restricted by security concerns than personal traffic.
The emergence of CSOs involved in crossborder economic cooperation has
grown strongly, especially since the years before Hungary’s EU accession. A
complex network of relations has emerged with the assistance of EU, national and
regional funding; however, this development is not without problems (see CSA
NGO report). Transnational investment projects are drawn into the border region
to exploit its special position: proximity to western markets with low labour costs
and transport advantages. CSOs on both sides of the border were actively encour-
aging more new investments, which ranged from energetics (hydro-power plants
on the Tisza river, gas storage, etc.) through automotive industry (Eurocar, a VW
supplier; or Kalos, an Ivano-Frankivsk-based car parts manufacturer) to electron-
ics (JD Electronics, Flextronics) and tourism (winter and health-tourism on multi-
ple sites). CSOs play a vital role in business promotion, serving as mediators be-
tween potential investors and other regional/national actors. CSOs have lobbied
national governments, encouraging new large investment projects in the prox-
imity of the border.
The border region has become the planned site for multiple large-scale invest-
ment projects; however, most of these are yet to be realised. In 2006, Ferrexpo, a
firm seated in Poltava and privatised in 1995, announced its plans to invest € 300
million into a steel rolling plant with a manufacturing capacity of 2.5 million tons
per annum (this volume is higher than Hungary’s current total annual manufac-
turing capacity) with an approximate 1000 jobs created in the general area. On the
turn of 2007–2008 the plant was still in a preparatory phase. In June 2007, the
Ukrainian proprietors of FMFESZ Ltd. announced a plan for a new gas power
plant with a value of € 1.5 billion with a capacity of 2400 MW and a primary
manpower need of 2500-3000 to be built in cooperation with RostUkrEnergo Co.
on the Hungarian side of the Ukrainian–Hungarian border. The plans to build gas
fuelled power stations and gas storage facilities on the Hungarian side have al-
ready been discussed on inter-governmental levels (President Viktor Yuschenko
stressed it separately in July 2007). On a brownfield site, a combined cycle power
station with a value of € 130 million and a power capacity of 230 MW is planned
to be built, in conjunction with a gas storage facility with a capacity of 1 billion
m3 on the Ukrainian side of the border. A new 22.5 km gas pipeline should con-
nect the power station with Ukraine for its energy supply. Hungarian (System
Consulting) and Austrian (Meinl International Power) investors have been named
in relationship with the project. The studies on the power station’s impacts on
other investments and on the environment have been prepared, but the realisation
has not yet begun. In all of the aforementioned cases, nationally operating envi-
ronmentalist pressure groups have lobbied against the new projects, while the
local political elite is in full support of industrialisation, cross-border contact-

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

building, and sees environmentalist visions as a threat, not a promise (“sustain-
ability” vs. “sustaining backwardness”). We can mention this conflict not just as a
general affair, but a clash between central and regional interests and respective
value systems: in many ways, environmentalism represents an “anti-development
ideology” in backwards areas.
Since 1996 the development of the regional dimension of cooperation between
the EU and Ukraine has started within the framework of the TACIS programme;
however, the pace of development was very slow on the territory of Transcarpa-
thia. It is relevant that, while Ukrainian public administration follows a straight
top-down hierarchy (retaining several traditions from the Soviet model of “de-
mocratic centralism”), civilian organisations are partially embedded into this or-
der, but there are some which consciously and intentionally operate in a different
way. Some CSOs, especially professionalised bodies, have been involved in EU-
funded projects (mostly TACIS, INTERREG and PHARE). These opportunities
are valued not just for funding, but also for encouraging good practice, dissemi-
nating management knowledge and contributing to democratic procedures on both
sides of the border.
In the development of economic cooperation on the local/regional level, we
can speak of three major factors influencing crossborder activities:
  The transformation of the local business sector on both sides of the border,
as well as development cooperation involving state and CSO participants.
  The re-evaluation of the great flows which previously dominated crossbor-
der contact; the investment/location priorities of national and transnational
capital and the manifestation of global and local strategies in peripheral ar-
eas.
  The conflicting priorities of EU enlargement and the New Neighbourhood
Policy (NNP) and their influence in crossborder relations.
These developments took place in peripherally situated regions, although with
relatively economically mobile populations. It remains a major obstacle that
knowledge/capital accumulated in the border area isn’t used endogenously, even
when more and more new, regionally based investments are in need of skilled
workers. This is compounded by the declining, but still present existence of
small-scale smuggling as a personal survival mechanism, as well as “amoral net-
works” (crossborder criminal activity). CSOs active in economic development
now place increasing stress on the importance of labour market reintegration and
developing/managing human capital.
Economic cooperation on the Ukrainian–Hungarian border can be understood
on multiple scales, involving different degrees of CSO involvement. Small-scale
crossborder activity mostly occurs between private citizens or small and medium
entrepreneurships, whose relations are fluid and rarely institutionalised. This
sphere is targeted by CSOs involved in business promotion and/or regional devel-
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

opment (e.g. TES-Fund [Uzhhorod], Uzhhorod-XXIst Century, Hungarian–
Ukrainian Regional Development Office), mostly in the form of knowledge trans-
fer, trainings, administrative support and incubation. On the scale of regional de-
velopment, we can find business promotion entities (e.g. Agency for the Promo-
tion of Investments [Uzhhorod], Nyíregyházi Business Incubator, Kiút Regional
Development Association), whose main objective is encouraging business entities
to invest in the border regions. The largest scale is the border area itself, particu-
larly the Záhony–Chop logistical contact zone in the context of great (transconti-
nental) flows, where the regional level is just a location for activities beyond its
immediate influence. However, locally operating CSOs (e.g. Záhony and Envi-
ronment Development Ltd., Kiút Regional Development Association) play a role
in the management and business development of the logistical zone, and they also
supply central organs/governments with information, development concepts and
articulated interests. The intensity of crossborder contact showed strong differ-
ences between the three levels; it was rather difficult for small-scale entities to
develop effective links across the hard Ukrainian–Hungarian border, although the
facilitating role of civil organisations such as Advance Foundation, EuroClip–
Eurokapocs Non-Profit Company, or The National Association of Craftsmen
(IPOSZ) has been of help.
In Transcarpathia, a broad configuration of civil organisations has surfaced in
crossborder cooperation, and the role of a few key players in facilitating the
growth of civil society, and fostering economic development is apparent. Agency
for the Promotion of Investments, a quango, has become influential in supporting
a wide range of local/regional development projects. Its activities in business
promotion and capital attraction are to the benefit of the local administration. One
of the most consciously organised civil organisation is Advance Transcarpathian
Consulting and Development Centre, created with international assistance, which
has gradually broadened its activities to become a regional information centre for
CSOs working in the region. In its initiatives, a network of 20 organisations is
commonly involved. Carpathian Foundation was created in 1994 as a civil or-
ganisation, especially through the support of various American institutions and
foundations. CF first organised programmes on the territory of the Carpathian
Euroregion, announcing tenders and initiating its own projects. CF’s activities
became very diverse under the span of a few years: environmental and cross-bor-
der development, the training of marginalised groups (Roma) and others became
prominent in its areas of interest. The Hungarian–Ukrainian Regional Develop-
ment Office has become involved in the training of Ukrainian regional develop-
ment experts and providing help for economic stakeholders in Ukraine. The Of-
fice has gained recognition in the management of cross-border relations,
development projects and tender applications. The Office has published the
Transcarpathia–Ukraine Investors’ Manual in 2008.

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

In Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County, the county’s General Assembly, the City
of Nyíregyháza and the Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Hungary supported
the creation of EuroClip-EuroKapocs Public Non-Profit Company. The main
mission of the public non-profit company is the development of Ukrainian–Hun-
garian relations, especially in the interregional and crossborder dimensions. In
short time, the company became an important centre for crossborder programmes,
contact-building and training civil organisations in Ukraine. Their tendering and
support activities primarily served the strengthening of CSOs. Economic stake-
holders in the border area have also strongly favoured further cooperation. In
2001, the Hungarian Chamber of Industry and Commerce established its Hun-
garian–Ukrainian section; the Chamber of Industry and Commerce of Szabolcs-
Szatmár-Bereg County and its partner organisation in Transcarpathia have been a
central influence. Between the professional apparatus of the two chambers, there
is daily communication and exchange of information; together, they have pro-
posed numerous projects. Since 2003, the Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County sec-
tion of the National Association of Craftsmen (IPOSZ) has been a strong propo-
nent and facilitator of bottom-up economic integration. The association, which
represents 14 smaller crafts associations, has been conscious in building multilat-
eral crossborder relations to increase the competitiveness of local industry, open
up new markets and set up cooperation opportunities for small businessmen in the
wider area.
In the spatial context, economic crossborder relations seem more emphasised
on the Transcarpathian side than the Szabolcs one, where a wider network of eco-
nomic links existed in other directions. At the same time, like in other areas of
cooperation, Transcarpathian actors saw cooperation more multilaterally, towards
not just one country, but four borders, and sometimes in a broader spatial scope.
Among Hungarians, there is a tendency for bilateral thinking and reducing the
question of cooperation to Hungarian–Hungarian relations (although this is less
characteristic of economy than other dimensions). Development cooperation has
extended to the Záhony–Chop border zone. CSOs have expressed a keen interest
in the zone’s development in the press, during interviews, and on our local work-
shops. It was an unanimous aim to maintain the relevance of this logistic zone in
trans-Eurasian traffic (particularly from the Far East to the European Southwest,
the “New Silk Road”), but there is also a drive to endow it with new functions in
the service of regional economic development. It was perceived by many (most
notably Hungarians) that Hungary had not devoted sufficient attention to a recep-
tive Ukrainian and Russian side; that the ENP was disingenuous in prioritising
security over contacts, and that rival agendas in Slovakia were attempting to re-
route traffic to go through their own territory.
CSOs operating in the area of the economy don’t have strong links towards the
local population, or to other, non-economic CSOs. Indeed, what brings them to-
gether most often is none other but common party affiliation. While the CSO
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

sphere, is dominated by entities that see themselves, their mission and the entire
border question through cultural (ethnical, religious, historical, etc.) perspectives,
economic CSOs form a disparate and sometimes insular group. This also means,
however, that their crossborder activities transcend ethnicity, as, while cultural
groups have very little to say to one another, there are common economic inter-
ests on both sides of the border.
Crossborder practices are strongly influenced by the EU’s conflicting attitudes
towards its eastern external border. Enlargement, the ENP and the extension of
the Schengen regime present a mash of incongruent goals, divided between closer
cooperation and higher security. Several interviewees expressed concern that
Transcarpathia would become even more isolated after these changes (“a God-
forgotten land which is not genuinely Ukraine, but nor is it Hungary, Romania,
Slovakia or Poland”, as one Ukrainian respondent put it). However, there was
also a common belief that EU enlargement was a beneficial thing, and that it
would “bring Ukraine closer to Europe”. There was a clear desire for closer
crossborder cooperation among CSOs, and that they presented concrete plans to
this effect. The most important thing which would make this happen was not seen
to be EU facilitation – the necessary instrumental links and institutional relations
are mostly already in place; what is needed is measures to enable easier contact
across the border – that is, faster, cheaper and perhaps less humiliating border
crossing opportunities. Special policies aimed at the inhabitants of neighbouring
regions (e.g. the revival and expansion of small border traffic, a practice which
had existed between the Soviet Union/Ukraine and Hungary from 1986 until EU
accession resulted in its discontinuation) are probably the optimal solution; the
encouragement of CSO cooperation through targeted (and well monitored) fund-
ing being an important supplement to it.
5 Gender issues and social welfare in crossborder civil
cooperation
5.1 Gender as a special welfare problem of Ukrainian transformation
Ukraine is seeing a steady decline in population (51 million inhabitants at inde-
pendence, but only 46 million by 2008 estimates), which some researchers are
billing a demographic catastrophe. The mid- and long-term demographic per-
spectives of Ukraine are considered extremely negative by both external and in-
ternal forecasts. The only area of debate is which of the alarming figures should
be expected for the future. The entire system of socio-economic processes is im-
pacted by the fact that, according to estimates made by Dolja (Fate), a Ukrainian
womens’ CSO, approximately 30 million legal and illegal abortions had been

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

performed in Ukraine between 1992 and 2007. This situation poses far-reaching
and strongly negative consequences for families, social cohesion, public health
and the moral welfare of women.
A Human Rights Watch report (Women’s Work: Discrimination Against
Women in the Ukrainian Labor Force 2003) identified harsh economic condi-
tions, inadequate medical services, the high rate of abortions, infant and mother
mortality, the prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases, widespread domestic
violence, women trafficking and labour market discrimination as the most rele-
vant factors responsible for the current situation of women in Ukraine. According
to the report, the employment rate among women in 2000 was only 52 percent,
“far below the rate of 61 percent among men” (p. 10). As reported in the Hun-
garian-speaking press of Transcarpathia December 2008, a new report on social
welfare has been released, estimating that approximately 70% of Ukraine’s
population is living under the socially accepted subsistence level. The report
draws special attention to the fact that the tragic economic situation places an
especially heavy burden on women who must work ever harder to keep their
families together.
Despite the previously outlined negative perspective, we must remark that the
lot of Ukrainian women is not hopeless on the level of talented individuals, as
both domestic and international politics are open to women. Yulia Tymoshenko
(Hromada Party, Batkivsjtjina party, Bloc Tymoshenko) is the best known exam-
ple, but women have filled leading positions in major (Congress of Ukrainian
Nationalists, Agrarian Party, Progressive Socialist Party, Our Ukraine) and espe-
cially smaller parties. The Worldwide Guide to Women in Leadership
(www.guide2womenleaders.com/) lists 13 smaller parties chaired by women,
among them the Ukrainian Party of Women’s Initiatives (1997), the Party of Soli-
darity of Women of Ukraine (1999), National Women’s Party (1998) and Women
for the Future (2001 – in 2002, the party won 2.1% of the popular vote with no
seats; in 2006, the party was part of the Opposition Bloc “Ne Tak”).
Against the background of transformation background, the formation of CSOs
oriented on gender issues has become an important concern. The Soviet system,
which had a formally classified system of non-governmental organisations, sup-
ported formal womens’ organisations with a high membership. Some of this leg-
acy survived transformation, and formal membership in various organisations can
still be observed. Scientific analyses on the Ukrainian feminist movements (e.g.
by Sergey Zheberkin) in the 1990s placed emphasis on the point that feminist
movements were hit by all the possible problems and conflicts of transformation,
resulting in identity-seeking. The question of the relation between nationalism and
feminism has been raised especially strongly; the dilemma of nation-building is
one of many faced by Ukrainian womens’s organisations. Another defining issue
is reaching the wildly different strata of a highly unequal society facing a diver-
sity of challenges.
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

Active CSOs involved in gender issues in Ukraine were formed mostly as a
result of international support and joined the activities of international organiza-
tions in the 1990s. Gender issues CSOs are representing women’s interests mostly
on national levels but some regional-level feminist CSOs also exist. In 1995, 11
officially registered womens’ civil organisations were known in Ukraine; by
1997, the number had increased to 85. In the 1990s, womens’ CSOs with the
highest active membership included “Soyuz Ukraynok”, “Spilka Zhinok” and
“Zhinocha Hromada”; some of the organisations are associated with political par-
ties, and operate as their specialised affiliates. Others with specific aims also ex-
ist, e.g. the “Commission of Soldiers’ Mothers” is concerned with the problems of
young conscripts. In June 2000, Susanna Stanik, the Ukrainian minister of justice,
in her UN Assembly lecture “Women 2000: Gender Equality, Development and
Peace for the Twenty-First Century”, remarked that in her country, 29 womens’
civil organisations operated on the national, and more than 200 on the regional
level, with the full support of the state.
In its country reports, the EU has recognised a gradual advancement in human
rights and freedom of press, also emphasising that at the end of 2005, the gov-
ernment accepted a public programme for ensuring womens’ equal rights and
opportunities. The act’s practical implementation is expected to be a long process.
Declaring support for equal rights does not mean that women are on an equal
basis with men in all areas, but it establishes the possibility of enforcing this prin-
ciple in all areas.
If Ukraine and gender issues are raised in conjunction, many people in West-
ern Europe associate them with women trafficking (as well as mail-order brides).
As the news or case studies published in Ukrainian or Hungarian language
Ukrainian press suggests, ‘trafficking in female slaves’ has become an extensive
business, and the ‘market price’ of a young Ukrainian woman may be worth be-
tween € 800–3000. This kind of business became so extensive that it may even
raise state security issues. The number of sex slaves kidnapped from the country
is estimated to be around 30–40 thousand according to the Ukrainian National
Security Agency. La Strada Ukraine, an NGO whose central mission is the pre-
vention of the trafficking of Ukrainian women (including a crisis hotline and vic-
tim support), operates a regional office in Uzhhorod. Transcarpathia was the
“western gateway” of human trafficking in Ukraine, which makes the presence
and crossborder activity of the NGO self-explanatory.
Winrock International, a USA-based NGO, “in conjunction with seven re-
gional Ukrainian NGOs, has undertaken a pilot program to address two key fac-
tors that contribute to the susceptibility of Ukrainian women to trafficking: lack of
economic opportunity and violence. Local women’s centers offer job skills train-
ing, hotlines, crisis prevention, and referral services to women. A few organiza-
tions dedicated to sociological, political, and economic research and analysis of
problems facing women also exist. Many of these groups conduct advocacy with

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

local and national governments, and international institutions.” (Women’s Work
2003, p. 11) Winrock International also adopted the Women’s Economic Empow-
erment Project from 1999 to 2002 with a two-year extension; measures were fo-
cused on entrepreneurial training, business loans, business diversification assis-
tance and community action facilitation; the actions involved more than 4400
participants, resulted in the establishment of 155 new or diversified businesses
and created 136 new jobs (http://ukraine.winrock.org/).
Counterpart Creative Center, founded in 1993 on the basis of US capital and
support and gaining official registration in 1996, has become – among other ac-
tivities – a nationally relevant actor in support for womens’ issues. CCC has es-
tablished a network of regional offices; CCC-Lviv and CCC-Uzhhorod (with of-
fices in Perechin) were considered the most successful. CCC played an instru-
mental role in helping women to become entrepreneurs, and in the administration
of a TACIS micro-project facility in Ukraine to support NGOs.
Since the establishment of contacts between the European Union and
Ukraine, there has been a conscious attempt on the EU’s part to convey its values
to its future neighbour. This transmission has a special significance regarding
gender issues, with especially strong monitoring in discriminative practices.
Women’s Work: Discrimination Against Women in Ukrainian Labor (2003) pre-
sents the socio-economic background of Ukrainian gender issues, compares inter-
national standards and Ukrainian law, devotes chapters to discrimination in vari-
ous employment sectors and its typical manifestations (e.g. gender discrimination
related to marital and family status, age and appearance), points out the deficien-
cies of government response, and makes recommendations to the Ukrainian gov-
ernment, the EU, various transnational bodies (ILO, Council of Europe) and civil
organisations. The report remarks that while “government officials routinely deny
that discrimination against women in the labor force is a problem in Ukraine, …
Human Rights Watch found the Ukrainian government to be complicit in both
public and private sector discrimination” (p. 3).
5.2 The development of gender issues in Hungarian civil society
Hungarian society is not characterised by a developed civilian culture, which can
be explained not just by objective factors deriving from the economic and politi-
cal milieu or the diminutive role of reciprocity, but also cultural and mental rea-
sons. It is evident that the historical precedents, the one-party state before the
current situation, eliminated even the meagre traditions of civil society, although
it is also relevant that the slowly awakening civil society played a role in prepar-
ing the ground before systematic change. Women’s organisations were not
strongly established under socialism, although civilians had raised concerns over
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

gender issues. After transformation, the development of civil society has also
created CSOs in this field.
In Hungary the formal equal treatment of women is declared by the Constitu-
tion in all areas of public life, but in the majority of cases, the disadvantaged
situation and discrimination of women can continuously be recognised. In the
Hungarian Parliament and political discourse there was a debate on the issues of a
50 percent female quota in 2007 and its rejection by the parliamentary majority.
Opinions were not divided along party lines, but rather within individual parties.
The rejection of the quota raised the issue of organising a purely feminist party
under the name of „Magyar Nők Pártja” (Hungarian Women’s Party), although
the reality of society, politics and the election system renders the possibility of its
election success nil.
By the view and evaluation of the NőTárs Public Foundation, a CSO con-
cerned with gender issues and involved in crossborder cooperation, Hungary and
its society is “one of the most conservative” regarding gender issues in the EU.
The female civilian sphere and women’s opportunities of exercising their own
interests are very weak in all areas of public life. Gender mainstreaming, a part of
the EU’s development policy is either absent from or very weakly represented in
the government’s policies, and it is even missing from the projects of – non-femi-
nist – CSOs as well. Ukraine is “even more conservative” than Hungary with
regards to gender issues. Discrimination against women is considered almost
natural, and although some feminist CSOs exist there, they have almost no op-
portunities to exercise their agendas.
The NőTárs Public Foundation was established 2004, and since its establish-
ment, it has been dealing with womens’ problems in Hungary not only in a
general sense, but also in the context of development processes. The Corporation
undertakes research on crossborder cooperation. In 2007 the Foundation won a
Presidency Fund tender and regards the establishment of a gender-based NGDO
(Non-Governmental Development Organisation) network as its primary task. The
most important objectives are as follows:
 Raising the awareness on the EU’s Development Policy, the EU’s Develop-
ment Plan and on the Millenary Objectives in Hungary in the decision-
making sector (Parliament, Government), in the media, and in the NGO
sector as well.
 The intensification of existing networks, joining them and establishing new
contacts in Hungary and in the EU.
The Foundation has clearly formulated its cooperation plans on the level of pro-
grammes and projects towards feminist organisations interested in these issues
and operating in TACIS areas, especially in Ukraine and particularly the Hungar-
ian populated areas of Transcarpathia. The Foundation is facing some difficulties

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

in this respect, since as of yet they have not found any sufficiently sized and com-
petent feminist CSOs in Ukraine or in Transcarpathia.
5.3 Gender-oriented civil issues in the border area
Inter-state relations across the Ukrainian–Hungarian border – due in part to the
conditioned reflexes of the previous socialist period – can be considered a domi-
nant framework from the standpoint of both administrative organs and individual
citizens. These relations are especially important in the case of physical planning,
crossborder infrastructure and border waters. The problem of gender is usually
only represented in the form of generalities; in this area, stronger steps should be
taken, with a special emphasis on joint activity across the border. Gender issues
are impacted by sectoral relations (e.g. police/justice cooperation) as well as spe-
cific measures. The Hungarian Police, which is currently responsible for policing
the external EU borders after the integration of the Hungarian Border Guard, has
played an important role in preventing illegal migration and in trying to eliminate
women trafficking.
In Transcarpathia, the problems of gender generally conform to the overall
Ukrainian situation. According to a report in Kárpáti Igaz Szó, a national research
programme analysing gender relations among multiple ethnical groups (Ukrain-
ian, Hungarian, Jewish, etc.) found that Ukrainian women complained the hardest
about the lack of gender equality (Kárpáti Igaz Szó, 16 November 2004). In an-
other report, published in Kárpátalja, it was mentioned that “three out of ten
women” suffer from home violence (Kárpátalja, 26 November 2005).
On the territory of Transcarpathia, multiple feminist CSOs have regional af-
filiates or member organisations. Feminist CSOs are generally not organised on
an ethnical basis but rather on professional or lobbying grounds. Our research on
the Hungarian–Ukrainian border showed as almost self-evident that even the most
self-conscious CSOs had only few females in their staff, the number of females in
leading positions being very low, just like their opportunities to realise their inter-
ests. In interviews, almost all respondents knew about the existence of CSOs
dealing with gender issues, but most could not precisely identify any.
Organisations concerned with the problems of gender operate belong in the
category of thematic CSOs along with environmental, cultural, Roma organisa-
tions and CSOs working for the benefit of disadvantaged groups. These CSOs get
involved in crossborder cooperation to extend their activities to a wider dimen-
sion, although they are typically only have local or regional presence, with weak
(if any) crossborder links. The motivation for developing crossborder contact
strongly includes joint tender applications; there have been some examples where
thematic CSOs sought to encourage the establishment of a corresponding
Ukrainian organisation to facilitate future contact building. Organisations operat-
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ing in the social sector or concerned with marginalised groups are usually parts of
international networks, and try to develop networks of civil organisations with a
similar profile in Ukraine. These organisations typically do not restrict their ac-
tivities to the local level, but instead operate in the entire region. Their projects
are either charitative and social, in support of the poor or disabled; or concerned
with social advice, training and education where they sometimes gain the finan-
cial support of the Ukrainian Labour Office. Some of these CSOs even have their
own tenders in support of social initiatives.
A key player in this area, Advance Foundation is a transnational CSO which
has been involved in the concrete realisation of European Union objectives on the
entire territory of Transcarpathia, with a presence in almost all EU-funded pro-
jects. The foundation’s work is conducted in the scope of a network spanning 20
civil organisations. Networking also means that an increasing number of CSOs
are establishing working contacts in the direction of the European Union.
An interview conducted with the representative of a womens’ CSO based in
the gypsy camp near Beregszász (Berehove) has revealed the ground-level effec-
tiveness and positive consequences of these programmes, including their impact
on self-image and civilian initiative.
6 Europe, the border and civil participation in the mirror of the
local press
6.1 The coverage of border issues in selected periodicals
The re-emergence of crossborder relations on the Ukrainian–Hungarian border
after transition has been undergoing parallel with regional institution-building,
including the growth of civil society organisations. An important phenomenon of
the process has been the changing role of the local press, whose articulation of
interests, images, fears and aspirations provides a valuable glimpse into their for-
mation and change. Issues of smaller scope can find their way into local newspa-
pers and other periodicals, and it can also be assumed that they present a more
“ground-level” perspective on large-scale dilemmas, such as initiatives like the
European Neighbourhood Policy, EU enlargement, border securitisation and de-
velopment initiatives.
The journals discussed here are primarily written for the Transcarpathian and
Ukrainian Hungarian audience, in the Hungarian language (for the purposes of
this paper, the online editions were used). The choice is not accidental. It is a dis-
tinguishing feature of the research area that Hungarian–Hungarian relations are
the strongest in crossborder contact-building due to the presence of the Hungarian

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

minority in Transcarpathia. This specialty could be observed in the thematic
analysis of the journals, but also their value systems and political language. How-
ever, the journals are also suitable for the mapping of wider Ukrainian stances on
the topics of European integration, crossborder relations and the development of
civil society.
In the preceding four years, the question of the Ukrainian–Hungarian border
understandably invoked more interest here than in the national press. Ukraine is a
massive country with a very fragmented border, where the Hungarian section is
not significant in length. If we narrow our scope to Transcarpathia, its importance
alters – the border position of the Transcarpathian administrative unit (oblast) is a
crucial regional differentia specifica, and the Hungarian border fulfils an evident
function for the autochthonic Hungarian minority, including the possibility of
cultural contact with the mother country. It is therefore predictable that the border
was constantly on the journals’ agenda as a geographic space, and also as a sys-
tem of symbols that binds and separates “east and west”, two cultures that meet at
this point. The “political westernisation” of Hungary is a dimension of particular
interest, not just thanks to EU accession, but also the previous systematic change
which involved breaking away from the Soviet empire, and was coincidental with
a higher level of economic development. In public imagination, these factors are
at the forefront. Typical examples are the following: At a conference in
Uzhhorod, the increasingly important “bridging” role and geopolitical signifi-
cance of the region has been mentioned. It was stressed that here, “the possibili-
ties are excellent for direct contact building, and the public is the fastest to react
to the litmus test of the diffusion of European processes” (Kárpáti Igaz Szó, 26.
February 2005). The mayor of Debrecen, Hungary, remarks, “Debrecen should
fulfil the role of the yeast in the process that, through the creation of a cultural
region, will break the “end of the world” settlements of Ukraine, Romania and
Hungary” from the boundaries of their peripheral existence” (Kárpáti Igaz Szó,
30. July 2005).
In our analysis, we attempted to discover how crossborder relations were seen
in the local press of both sides of the border. We worked from a sample of 523
articles published between 2000 and 2006, selected for their relevance to cross-
border relations. The articles come from two daily and four daily papers; it is
notable that while the sample only includes one periodical from the Hungarian
side, its circulation of approximately 60.000 copies exceeds all others together in
Transcarpathia. In the sample, a full 90% of the articles come from three periodi-
cals, Kárpáti Igaz Szó, Kárpátalja and Kelet-Magyarország, of which the first
accounts for 51% alone. It is notable that Kelet-Magyarország (published in Hun-
gary) and the weekly of the Transcarpathian state administration, Beregi Hírlap,
have demonstrated a relatively lower level of interest in border issues than smaller
Hungarian papers.
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Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

Concerning the yearly distribution of articles, two surges are visible, one in
2000 and a larger one in 2003 and 2004, after which the number of articles de-
clined, but stabilised at a higher level than previously. The first surge can be
linked with the Hungarian government’s Status Law concerning benefits granted
to Hungarian minorities living across the borders; the second is the joint result of
the approaching 2004 EU enlargement and the possibility on the part of Hungary
to grant minorities across the borders a form of dual citizenship. Both of these
show an increase in more polemic articles as debate concerning these matters was
undergoing. Especially strong were the fears and hopes associated with changing
visa regimes and border control after Hungary’s accession; these events were
linked with a considerable demonstration of negative sentiment.
6.2 Scales of representation
The reports and analyses of the journals examine the border from various dimen-
sions. The most common dimension is the transnational, intergovernmental one,
inasmuch as governmental leaders, diplomats and politicians can never avoid the
problems of bordering. The questions of obtaining, regulating, easing and compli-
cating visa are a constant source of controversy, where the governmental levels
are always “optimistic”, but, considering the existing problems, may not dodge
the issue. Authorities try to dampen the contention over visa requirements by
drawing attention to the more modest administrative fees, and, if possible, avoid
the questions of security, refugees and smuggling. The region dimensions of con-
tact between countries are primarily linked to the opportunities and tasks of eco-
nomic cooperation, environmental protection, disaster prevention, and infrastruc-
tural development. As an example, at an opening speech of new crossing station,
the Hungarian minister of finance stated that “it is the success of the representa-
tion of interests that Brussels has approved the modernisation of small border
crossing stations – in addition to Lónya, Barabás–Mezőkaszony [Koson].” (Kár-
pátalja, 15 December 2006)
The local political dimension is closer to the average citizen. Here, there is
emphasis on the slowness of bureaucratic administration, the corruption and
rough manners of administrative officials, the specific circumstances of border
crossing, and the advantageous and disadvantageous consequences of the border’s
proximity to individual welfare. One mayor explained: “It was proven previously
that if there are no direct relations between the people on different sides of the
border, they will find it harder to solve several of their problems.” (Kárpáti Igaz
Szó, 2 March 2004) “We often forget that, willing or not, these villages became
gateways to the European Union and their inhabitants become border crossers
because of their needs. They have to face the Brussels requirements daily, and

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

Topics related to EU-integration are divided into two clearly separable groups.
The first group includes articles on the relation of EU-integration and the whole
of Ukraine; while crossborder relations are always mentioned, they are done ab-
stractly, and the focus is on diplomacy between Ukraine and the EU. Govern-
mental actors, county-level self government politicians treat the EU border posi-
tion as an opportunity and source of future potential; in these circles, scepticism is
uncommon about Ukraine’s eventual EU membership – if not in the short, then
the longer term. The Ukrainian prime minister, opening the “symbolically signifi-
cant border crossing station” at Szelmenc, stressed that “Since achieving inde-
pendence, Ukraine has enjoyed good relations with its neighbours, and since
Slovakia is now an EU member, the expected growth of our economic and cul-
tural relations will facilitate Ukraine’s convergence towards the European inte-
gration” (Kárpátalja, 30 December 2005). The EU is often linked to support,
tenders and values such as equal opportunities, especially respect for the rights of
national minorities, tolerance, rule of law, democracy, social security and welfare.
The Hungarian government is much more active on this level than the Ukrainian
one, where its partner is as often the state administration of Transcarpathia as not.
The political relations of Hungarians in Hungary and those living beyond its bor-
ders are important here, as their hopes for free movement and more openness, and
fears of the contrary are a relevant influence on Hungarian diplomatic efforts.
The second group is related to integration’s effects on the concrete border area
between Hungary and Ukraine. While inter-governmental viewpoints are not ab-
sent, there is much stronger focus on locality and regional interests, not to men-
tion integration’s consequences for personal traffic. Party politicians, mayors,
journalists, artists, leaders of civil associations and private individuals tend to
hold nuanced positions. They use the union as a reference and contrast to the do-
mestic reality, with more pessimistic expectations about gaining from EU funds
and attaining values.
Europe itself is seen in a way that isn’t always so rosy. The threat, and later re-
ality of the “Schengen horror” is identified with Europe’s selfishness, isolation-
ism, obsession with securitisation and hypocrisy. The stream of refugees, human
smuggling, and the deplorable conditions of refugee camps, conflicts during bor-
der crossing are linked to the image of a rich and egocentric west. “If someone
wants to visit a country in the Schengen zone, probably the most civilised part of
the world, should prepare to undertake a visa application process where the
treatment is anything but civilised” (Kárpátalja, 29 February 2008). “In its cur-
rent form, the Schengen system represents a loss of illusions with a yet undeter-
minable impact for anyone who, at the Soviet Union’s dissolution, witnessed the
breakdown of the iron curtain, and believed in the slogans about the free move-
ment of persons and goods” (Kárpáti Igaz Szó, November 2007). The controver-
sial nature of the situation is proven by the frequent reports about criminality on
the borders. “Strict controls are justified because there has been an increase in

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Hajdú, Zoltán - Lux, Gábor - Pálné Kovács, Ilona - Somlyódyné Pfeil, Edit : Local Dimensions of a Wider European
Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area.
Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

the illegal trafficking of humans and goods, especially cars, across the border. In
the first quarter of 2006, 1139; in the preceding one, 5000 illegal immigrants
were detained” (Kárpátalja, 23 June 2006).
It is notable that precious little attention was devoted to the Carpathian Eu-
roregion and multi-lateral border relationships: where borders are mentioned in
the press, they are usually referring to the one between Hungary and Ukraine.
This demonstrates a difference of perspectives between Ukrainian and Hungarian
residents. The former are more aware of Transcarpathia’s role as a region bor-
dering four states (Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania) than the latter; how-
ever, in the case of Hungarians, crossborder relations are more likely to go be-
yond general “good neighbourhood” and to develop institutional channels.
In the area of the economy, a mixture of topics ranging from Hungarian–
Ukrainian trade relationships to transportation and the possibilities of Transcar-
pathia’s catching up through crossborder cooperation is seen. The outlook is most
often through reports of official relationships between states and regional/local
administrations; the weakness of economic actors in the neighbouring regions
means that relatively less attention is devoted to private entities and, since they
are usually active in other areas, CSOs are conspicuously absent.
With Hungary’s EU-accession, on one hand an increase of articles devoted to
projects part-financed by the European Union can be seen, but there are also some
doubts about the effects of border control on the opportunities of small trade and
local entrepreneurs. Borders are not significant barriers to large actors, but are
seen as a clear impediment to small ones. The closeness of small businesses to the
personal level, and the ease of identification guarantees them a stronger place in
the minds of communities than their economic share; this is eminently visible in
this case as well.
The question of small-scale border trading and smuggling as a form of liveli-
hood is a constant point of debate where issues of excusable need clash with con-
cerns over its long-term consequences: “We see that those who have accumulated
a larger amount of capital this way usually started an enterprise; probably a café
or a general store. But the majority of people living off petrol tourism have just
been weaned off work, because smuggling was easier and more lucrative. Change
will be hard, but it will have to happen in thinking, in mentality. In the areas I
have mentioned, smaller and larger factories are opening one after the other, and
they are often struggling with labour shortage. It may sound trite, but we have to
restore the respect of work” (from an interview with József Tarpai, director of the
Hungarian–Ukrainian Regional Development Office, Kárpáti Igaz Szó, 22 De-
cember 2005).
The activity of minorities in Transcarpathia is a peculiar cross-sectional issue
of the civil dimension. Almost all articles concerning minorities are focused on
the Hungarians of Transcarpathia and their relations to Hungary. While there are
mentions of Rusyns/Carpathian Ukrainians, and occasionally Slovakians and Ro-
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

manians, they more often appear either as side-notes, or in news related to cultural
events.
While EU-accession is often evaluated as an opportunity for “national unifi-
cation”, pessimistic voices are more common. When the mother country’s efforts
to ease border crossing are mentioned, Hungarians living across the border are
none too enthusiastic, especially those who enjoy a closer relationship with oppo-
sition parties in Hungary. “Returning to national visa, we should not depreciate
it. I say that the Asians hiding in Transcarpathia and waiting for, or organising
their opportunity to illegally cross the border, would happily have it for two or
three thousand dollars. And it would be worth it, since once someone enters Hun-
gary, nobody will ask where he came from and where he is going” (Kárpátalja, 3
February 2006). Professional, more reserved opinions also seem to do away with
illusions: “We have to accept that international legislation for the protection of
national minorities are alien to the EU and will likely remain that way” (Kárpáti
Igaz Szó, 25 November 2004).
The issues of the status law and dual citizenship were reported on frequently;
these political attempts to find a new peaceful resolution to the dilemma of Hun-
garian minorities across the border became an intense emotional experience for
the communities in question, while, as we can see in the case of Kelet-Magyaror-
szág, the attitudes in Hungary proper were more indifferent. We can not only
speak about these initiatives as political, but as things related to personal and col-
lective identity, historical memory, coexistence with dominant ethnicities, etc.
They have become highly symbolic affairs, and their failure to achieve an equita-
ble, satisfactory conclusion has resulted in disappointment, and the awakening of
fears about rejection/unwantedness, a new isolation and consequently assimila-
tion, the destruction of cultural identity.
Attitudes expressed after the failed 2004 December referendum are represen-
tative of popular sentiment, and also of self-image (all quotes from Kárpáti Igaz
Szó, 7 December 2004): “Unfortunately, it could be expected that the mother
country wouldn’t need us, and it looks like we are excluded from the nation. It is
questionable how we will cross the Ukrainian-Hungarian border after the Schen-
gen visas are introduced in 2007. But this is what we got, this is what we have to
like.” (Zoltán Szilvási, mayor of Nagydobrony [Velika Dobrony]) “It is easy to
be a Hungarian in Hungary. The only one who can really value this identity is
someone who can’t experience the mother country as her own: we, the newly out-
cast, those who live in minority. I would like to send this message to the Hungari-
ans in Hungary: you didn’t deny us of anything except the feeling that we here in
Transcarpathia are the same as you.” (Erzsébet Ljáh, a doctor from the Chil-
drens’ Polyclinic in Uzhhorod) “Not to be rude, but those in the mother country
pretend as if their kin across the border were lepers. They are wrong: these peo-
ple don’t even like to take donations, they would just like to stand on their own
feet. Granting dual citizenship would only have been a symbolic gesture,

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

strengthening the cohesion of the Hungarian nation. And this is important from
this respect, that someone who doesn’t really have a homeland, someone who has
been given the minority’s lot, for them, it is especially important to have this sup-
port.” (Endre Hidi, ceramic artist from Nagydobrony)
In Transcarpathian Hungarian publications, as elsewhere, this issue is insepa-
rable from that of EU-integration, and whether it is a solution to this old problem.
Kelet-Magyarország has emphasized the more positive opportunities of the proc-
ess, while Transcarpathian organs are more pessimistic – only expressing hope for
long term improvement. In addition to the previous question, the rest of the arti-
cles are about the day-to-day affairs of the Hungarian community of Transcarpa-
thia: regional political events, cultural life, education and science, and relations to
Hungary. Minority issues are heavily framed in cultural language; much more
rarely are they thought of from any different viewpoint.
All in all, Hungarian–Hungarian civil relations are characterised by political
factionalism, the stronger initiating role of the mother country’s side, the transfer
of EU knowledge, and also development programmes whose recipients are pri-
marily Hungarian-inhabited settlements. This phenomenon has lead to the situa-
tion where some Ukrainian civil actors feel that the Hungarian minority has “ap-
propriated” the Hungarian border, and are therefore looking for partners from
farther away.
Civilian issues in the screened articles are strongly bound to locality and
overwhelmingly cultural; education plays a smaller role, and the growth of small-
scale development cooperation between CSOs in Transcarpathia and Hungary can
be seen. The threefold interrelation of civil society, Europe and the border is a
complex question that could be seen only rarely in the journals. Naturally, one of
the fundamental reasons was the low level of organisation in civil society, and
also, that in this early stage, civil society is only rarely able to handle crossborder
or multilateral contact-building. Reports in journals are usually about events or-
ganised by foreign (Hungarian or international) organisations in Transcarpathia.
Ukrainian civil organisations tend to be recipients, but not generators and active,
mutual partners of civil relations. In the evaluation of cooperation, the use of EU
funds or their attainment is always cropping up as a primary source of motivation,
“because the EU rewards these common applications” (Kárpáti Igaz Szó, 13 June
2006). This can be a motive even for international civil organisations: “The Brus-
sels office of the International Red Cross constantly lobbies for support to reinte-
grate countries neighbouring the European Union” (Kárpáti Igaz Szó, 2 June
2005). The relevance of face-to-face contacts is lesser than funding, but can be
observed. Calvinist preachers from Transcarpathia have justified their “agitation”
campaign in Hungary before the Hungarian referendum on dual citizenship with
the following: “if only people could hear with their own ears that preachers
across the border speak the same language and follow the same faith they do”
(Kárpátalja, 26 November 2006).
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

Other topics have received less attention in the journals. Information society,
which a very small but distinct interest of the press, is almost completely about
building the lacking infrastructure of Hungarian schools and communities
(through the so-called “tele-houses”), by state help and civilian, often charity-
based initiative. Environmental protection is likewise a “one-issue” field: the
most relevant question of environmental protection on the Ukrainian-Hungarian
border is flood control and the management of the Tisza valley. Education and
science is a question relevant to the whole region, even if the venues are local: it
has been realised that education and science are sources of not only economic
prosperity, but once again, keeping and enriching cultural identity and transcend-
ing borders. This realisation is reflected in the relatively large attention paid to
this question in Transcarpathian Hungarian periodicals (and conversely, their
absence in Kelet-Magyarország and Beregi Hírlap, where minority concerns are
rarely present). An interview draws parallels between the role of education, sci-
ence and European integration: “It is important to remark that in my eyes we
aren’t talking about ethnical topics, and especially not nationalist reminiscences.
The cause of Hungarian language, Hungarian culture and Hungarian scientific
life is in many respects more than an issue of an ethnicity. ... I am positive about
regional cooperation across the border we have been seeing thanks to EU pro-
jects. Borders fade not only when we tear down border control stations. We can
recognise huge possibilities in the areas of scientific cooperation as well.” (Dé-
nes Berényi, member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Kárpátalja, 15 July
2005). Articles about municipal and administrative topics are most commonly
about the affairs of individual settlements or neighbourhood relations; in the last
few years, local and regional development projects have reinvigorated these with
possibilities of partnership. Finally, approximately the same characteristics can be
attributed to political articles as EU-integration: dichotomy between national
politics, which touch borders indirectly, and local/regional politics, where the
opposite is the case. Observations made concerning the relative importance of the
Ukrainian and Hungarian government stand here as well.
It is apparent from the screened press articles that the European Union has not
only been a driving engine and part-financer of crossborder civil relationships, but
has also been influential in thematising the press and setting the issues of the
border area’s European integration agenda. The inhabitants of Transcarpathia
(Hungarians and non-Hungarians) have also formed their self-image with regards
to the European Union and its Neighbourhood Policy through the issues of
crossborder civil cooperation.

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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

7 Conclusions
Ukraine, independent since 1991, is struggling with a permanent crisis of interior
politics, economics and society (since the announcement of independence, the
country has had 18 governments). In its constitutional structure, from presidential
through semi-presidential republic, there has been constant movement towards
government based on parliamentary majority. In exterior political orientation, the
political treatment of the Russian, European Union and United States system of
contacts has been continuously changing. In 2004, the country became affected by
the new European Neighbourhood Policy. The ENP and radical interior upheavals
(the Orange Revolution) coincided to a great extent. From Autumn 2004, the role
of civil organisations has especially been on the increase, and they have become
real shapers of interior politics.
On the national level and in Transcarpathia, in part due to the internal struc-
tures of the country, a system of organisations established on different levels and
active in various areas has appeared. Multiple specialised organisations of the
UN, US and European governmental and non-governmental organisations, large
international private foundations and relief organisations are present and active.
The development of the Ukrainian–Hungarian border area and the realisation
and support of the European Union’s neighbourhood policy has been strongly
related. The European Union, through announcing different tenders, has become
one of the largest donors of regional civil initiatives. In training and education,
neighbourhood policy has gained an eminent position. In the regional develop-
ment of the border area, and maintaining crossborder cooperation, in establishing
the basic conditions and possibilities for organisations of a high importance,
European Union, Hungarian, and endogenous local government resources have
appeared side by side. Between local and regional governments, high-intensity
and daily contacts have been built.
In the common border area, a large number of “real”, bottom-up civil organi-
sations have also appeared. They are able to influence processes, but at the mo-
ment, they do not dominate the management of the ENP, or crossborder regional
development initiatives. It is visible that the configuration of civilian initiatives
has been closely embedded into the formal frameworks of cooperation between
the neighbouring states, the border regions and their linkages towards the
European Union. Not just civilian initiatives, but the economic, minority and EU
integration policies of Hungary and Ukraine have manifested in the establishment
and objectives of civil society organisations. It is visible, however, that in spite of
differing agendas, there has been a clear desire for maintaining and broadening
the current system of neighbourhood cooperation projects, while agendas of
securitisation have been seen in a negative light.
Concerning crossborder relationships, contacts between individual inhabitants
pose a question of central importance. In this respect, there should be a high em-
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Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, 2009. 60. p. Discussion Papers, No. 71.

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www.guide2womenleaders.com.
http://ukraine.winrock.org
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Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
The Discussion Papers series of the Centre for Regional Studies of the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences was launched in 1986 to publish summaries of research findings on
regional and urban development.
The series has 5 or 6 issues a year. It will be of interest to geographers, economists, so-
ciologists, experts of law and political sciences, historians and everybody else who is, in
one way or another, engaged in the research of spatial aspects of socio-economic develop-
ment and planning.
The series is published by the Centre for Regional Studies.
Individual copies are available on request at the Centre.

Postal address
Centre for Regional Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
P.O. Box 199, 7601 PÉCS, HUNGARY

Phone: (36–72) 523 800

Fax: (36–72) 523 803
www.rkk.hu
http://www.dti.rkk.hu/kiadv/discussion.html

Director general
Gyula HORVÁTH

Editor
Zoltán GÁL
galz@rkk.hu

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Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
Papers published in the Discussion Papers series

Discussion Papers / Specials
BENKŐNÉ LODNER, Dorottya (ed.) (1988): Environmental Control and Policy: Proceedings of
the Hungarian–Polish Seminar in the Theoretical Problems of Environmental Control
and Policy
OROSZ, Éva (ed.) (1988): Spatial Organisation and Regional Development Papers of the 6th Polish–
Hungarian geographical Seminar
DURÓ, Annamária (ed.) (1993): Spatial Research and the Social–Political Changes: Papers of the
7th Polish–Hungarian Seminar
DURÓ, Annamária (ed.) (1999): Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration.
Proceedings of the 11th Polish–Hungarian Geographical Seminar (Mátraháza, Hungary
17–22 September, 1998)
GÁL, Zoltán (ed.) (2001): Role of the Regions in the Enlarging European Union
HORVÁTH, Gyula (ed.) (2002): Regional Challenges of the Transition in Bulgaria and Hungary
KOVÁCS, András Donát (ed.) (2004): New Aspects of Regional Transformation and the Urban-
Rural Relationship
BARANYI, Béla (ed.) (2005):  Hungarian–Romanian and Hungarian–Ukrainian border regions as
areas of co-operation along the external borders of Europe
ENYEDI, György – KOVÁCS, Zoltán (eds.) (2006): Social Changes and Social Sustainability in
Historical Urban Centres. The Case of Central Europe
KOVÁCS, András Donát (ed.) (2007): Regionality and/or locality
SZIRMAI, Viktória (ed.) (2007): Social Inequalities in Urban Areas and Globalization. The Case of
Central Europe
ILLÉS, Iván (2008): Visions and Strategies in the Carpathian Area (VASICA)
Discussion Papers
No. 1
OROSZ, Éva (1986): Critical Issues in the Development of Hungarian Public Health with
Special Regard to Spatial Differences
No. 2
ENYEDI, György – ZENTAI, Viola (1986): Environmental Policy in Hungary
No. 3
HAJDÚ, Zoltán (1987): Administrative Division and Administrative Geography in
Hungary
No. 4
SIKOS T., Tamás (1987): Investigations of Social Infrastructure in Rural Settlements of
Borsod County
No. 5
HORVÁTH, Gyula (1987): Development of the Regional Management of the Economy in
East-Central Europe
No. 6
PÁLNÉ KOVÁCS, Ilona (1988): Chance of Local Independence in Hungary
No. 7
FARAGÓ, László – HRUBI, László (1988): Development Possibilities of Backward
Areas in Hungary
No. 8
SZÖRÉNYINÉ KUKORELLI, Irén (1990): Role of the Accessibility in Development and
Functioning of Settlements
No. 9
ENYEDI, György (1990): New Basis for Regional and Urban Policies in East-Central
Europe
No. 10
RECHNITZER, János (1990): Regional Spread of Computer Technology in Hungary
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Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
No. 11
SIKOS T., Tamás (1992): Types of Social Infrastructure in Hungary (to be not published)
No. 12
HORVÁTH, Gyula – HRUBI, László (1992): Restructuring and Regional Policy in
Hungary
No. 13
ERDŐSI, Ferenc (1992): Transportation Effects on Spatial Structure of Hungary
No. 14
PÁLNÉ KOVÁCS, Ilona (1992): The Basic Political and Structural Problems in the
Workings of Local Governments in Hungary
No. 15
PFEIL, Edit (1992): Local Governments and System Change. The Case of a Regional
Centre
No. 16
HORVÁTH, Gyula (1992): Culture and Urban Development (The Case of Pécs)
No. 17
HAJDÚ, Zoltán (1993): Settlement Network Development Policy in Hungary in the
Period of State Socialism (1949–1985)
No. 18
KOVÁCS, Teréz (1993): Borderland Situation as It Is Seen by a Sociologist
No. 19
HRUBI, L. – KRAFTNÉ SOMOGYI, Gabriella (eds.) (1994): Small and medium-sized
firms and the role of private industry in Hungary
No. 20
BENKŐNÉ Lodner, Dorottya (1995): The Legal-Administrative Questions of
Environmental Protection in the Republic of Hungary
No. 21   ENYEDI, György (1998): Transformation in Central European Postsocialist Cities
No. 22   HAJDÚ, Zoltán (1998): Changes in the Politico-Geographical Position of Hungary in the
20th Century
No. 23
HORVÁTH, Gyula (1998): Regional and Cohesion Policy in Hungary
No. 24
BUDAY-SÁNTHA, Attila (1998): Sustainable Agricultural Development in the Region
of the Lake Balaton
No. 25
LADOS, Mihály (1998): Future Perspective for Local Government Finance in Hungary
No. 26
NAGY, Erika (1999): Fall and Revival of City Centre Retailing: Planning an Urban
Function in Leicester, Britain
No. 27
BELUSZKY, Pál (1999): The Hungarian Urban Network at the End of the Second
Millennium
No. 28
RÁCZ, Lajos (1999): Climate History of Hungary Since the 16th Century: Past, Present
and Future
No. 29
RAVE, Simone (1999): Regional Development in Hungary and Its Preparation for the
Structural Funds
No. 30
BARTA, Györgyi (1999): Industrial Restructuring in the Budapest Agglomeration
No. 31
BARANYI, Béla–BALCSÓK, István–DANCS, László–MEZŐ, Barna (1999): Borderland
Situation and Peripherality in the North-Eastern Part of the Great Hungarian Plain
No. 32
RECHNITZER, János (2000): The Features of the Transition of Hungary’s Regional
System
No. 33
MURÁNYI, István–PÉTER, Judit–SZARVÁK, Tibor–SZOBOSZLAI, Zsolt (2000):
Civil Organisations and Regional Identity in the South Hungarian Great Plain
No. 34
KOVÁCS, Teréz (2001): Rural Development in Hungary
No. 35
PÁLNÉ, Kovács Ilona (2001): Regional Development and Governance in Hungary
No. 36
NAGY, Imre (2001): Cross-Border Co-operation in the Border Region of the Southern
Great Plain of Hungary
No. 37
BELUSZKY, Pál (2002): The Spatial Differences of Modernisation in Hungary at the
Beginning of the 20th Century
No. 38
BARANYI, Béla (2002): Before Schengen – Ready for Schengen. Euroregional
Organisations and New Interregional Formations at the Eastern Borders of Hungary

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Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
No. 39
KERESZTÉLY, Krisztina (2002): The Role of the State in the Urban Development of
Budapest
No. 40
HORVÁTH, Gyula (2002): Report on the Research Results of the Centre for Regional
Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
No. 41
SZIRMAI, Viktoria – A. GERGELY, András – BARÁTH, Gabriella–MOLNÁR, Balázs
– SZÉPVÖLGYI, Ákos (2003): The City and its Environment: Competition and/or Co-
operation? (A Hungarian Case Study)
No. 42
CSATÁRI, Bálint–KANALAS, Imre–NAGY, Gábor –SZARVÁK, Tibor (2004): Regions
in Information Society – a Hungarian Case-Study
No. 43
FARAGÓ, László (2004): The General Theory of Public (Spatial) Planning (The Social
Technique for Creating the Future)
No. 44
HAJDÚ, Zoltán (2004): Carpathian Basin and the Development of the Hungarian
Landscape Theory Until 1948
No. 45
GÁL, Zoltán (2004): Spatial Development and the Expanding European Integration of the
Hungarian Banking System
No. 46
BELUSZKY, Pál – GYŐRI, Róbert (2005): The Hungarian Urban Network in the
Beginning of the 20th Century
No. 47
G. FEKETE, Éva (2005): Long-term Unemployment and Its Alleviation in Rural Areas
No. 48
SOMLYÓDYNÉ PFEIL, Edit (2006): Changes in The Organisational Framework of
Cooperation Within Urban Areas in Hungary
No. 49
MEZEI, István (2006): Chances of Hungarian–Slovak Cross-Border Relations
No. 50  RECHNITZER, János – SMAHÓ, Melinda (2006): Regional Characteristics of Human
Resources in Hungary During the Transition
No. 51
BARTA, Györgyi – BELUSZKY, Pál – CZIRFUSZ, Márton – GYŐRI, Róbert –
KUKELY, György (2006): Rehabilitating the Brownfield Zones of Budapest
No. 52
GROSZ, András (2006): Clusterisation Processes in the Hungarian Automotive Industry
No. 53
FEKETE, G. Éva – HARGITAI, Judit – JÁSZ, Krisztina – SZARVÁK, Tibor –
SZOBOSZLAI, Zsolt (2006): Idealistic Vision or Reality? Life-long learning among
Romany ethnic groups
No. 54
BARTA, Györgyi (ed.) (2006): Hungary – the New Border of the European Union
No. 55
GÁL, Zoltán (2006): Banking Functions of the Hungarian Urban Network in the Early
20th Century.
No. 56
SZÖRÉNYINÉ, Kukorelli Irén (2006): Relation Analysis in Rural Space – A Research
Method for Exploring the Spatial Structure in Hungary
No. 57
MAUREL, Marie-Claude – PÓLA, Péter (2007): Local System and Spatial Change – The
Case of Bóly in South Transdanubia
No. 58
SZIRMAI, Viktória (2007): The Social Characteristics of Hungarian Historic City Centres
No. 59
ERDŐSI, Ferenc – GÁL, Zoltán – GIPP, Christoph – VARJÚ, Viktor (2007): Path
Dependency or Route Flexibility in Demand Responsive Transport? The Case Study of
TWIST project
No. 60
PÓLA, Péter (2007): The Economic Chambers and the Enforcement of  Local Economic
Interests
No. 61
BUDAY-SÁNTHA, Attila (2007): Development Issues of the Balaton Region
No. 62
LUX, Gábor (2008): Industrial Development, Public Policy and Spatial Differentiation in
Central Europe: Continuities and Change
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Discussion Papers 2009. No. 71.
Local Dimensions of a Wider European Neighbourhood: Crossborder Relations and
Civil Society in the Hungarian–Ukrainian Border Area
No. 63
MEZEI, Cecília (2008): The Role of Hungarian Local Governments in Local Economic
Development
No. 64
NAGY, Gábor (2008): The State of the Info-communication Markets in Dél-Alföld
Region – Hungary
No. 65
HORVÁTH, Gyula (2008): Regional Transformation in Russia
No. 66
BELUSZKY, Pál – SIKOS T., Tamás (2008): Changing Village-Typology of Rural
Settlements in Hungary at the Beginning of the Third Millennium
No. 67
CSIZMADIA, Zoltán – GROSZ, András (2008): Regional Innovation System in West
Transdanubia
No. 68
HARDI, Tamás (ed.) (2008): Transborder Movements and Relations in the Slovakian–
Hungarian Border Regions
No. 69
ERDŐSI, Ferenc (2008): Global and Regional Roles of the Russian Transport
Infrastructures
No. 70
CSIZMADIA, Zoltán (2009): Cooperation and Innovativity: the Network Foundations of
the Regional System of Innovation

65