Discussion Papers 1999.
Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration 87-95. p.
87
ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY IN POLAND
MARIUSZ KOWALSKI
The paper focuses in the first place on the questions of electoral geography in
Poland. In particular it concentrates on the author's suggestions concerning the spatial
differences of voting preferences in the period of 1989-1997. After the year 1989, when
the first free elections in Poland took place after fifty years of communist rule, there
were two presidential elections held, four parliamentary elections, two elections of
local authorities and two referendums. Owing to the spatial dimension of these elec-
tions their results can be used to analyse the spatial differentiation of Polish society.
This paper analyses the election results in 49 voivodships. Owing to the large popula-
tion and the culturally dualistic character of the Katowice voivodship this unit has been
divided into two parts for easier analysis.
TURNOUT
Turnout is regionally differentiated.  (Figures 1,  2) The highest turnout is characteris-
tic for the regions of Poznan, Cracow, RzeszOw and Gdansk, while the lowest turnout is
observed in Central Poland with the exception of the agglomerations of Warsaw and
Loth. It is probably no coincidence that the regions with the highest turnout had been
part of the Prussian and Austro-Hungarian sectors during the 19th century partitions
of Poland.  (Figure 3.)  The lowest turnout on the other hand is observed in regions
which at that time belonged to Russia (Kingdom of Poland). Low turnout is also
recorded in the western and northern parts of Poland (with post-war Polish settle-
ment): Lower Silesia, Western Pomerania, Mazuria.
POLITICAL ORIENTATION
In general there are four political options represented in Poland by various parties.
Those are the conservative, the socialist, the peasant and the liberal options.
The partly free elections of 1989 were in fact a plebiscite. This plebiscite, however,
had a spatial aspect. The candidates representing the Solidarity movement received
the majority of votes in former Galicia and in large cities, whereas the ex-communists
were especially successful in the western parts of Poland with the exception of large
cities.  (Figure 4)  Similar regularities characterised the following elections, including
those of 1997. This phenomenon can be described as spatial polarisation between left-

Mariusz Kowalski : Electoral Geography in Poland.
In: Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies,
1999. 87-95. p. Discussion Papers. Special
ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY IN POLAND
89
Figure 3
wing parties and the Solidarity
Partition of the present Polish territory in the
movement. In the first half of
19th century
the 1990s this polarisation was
inconsiderable, due to the fact
that socialist ideas lost their
Cashubians
support during the communist
rule. On the other hand, the
Prussia
case of Tymiliski (the populist
...: • •
- -
"man from nowhere" who
Mazovian
•
Grand
Yoemmy
Trie
achieved second place in the
Orthodox
Duchy
presidential elections of 1990)
of
Russia
indicates that Polish society of
that time needed an alternative
Kingdom of Poland
to patriotic, conservative and
- •
liberal ideas supported by the
Solidarity movement.
&W/ens
The elections of 1993 were
. ,
revolutionary due to the new
Austria
electoral law which introduced
ghlanders
the 5% limit. Owing to the
Cashubians - ethnic groups
political break-up of Solidarity
and the difficulties of the eco-
nomic transformation the ex-communists won, taking 20% of all votes (they were
undoubtedly supported by a large part of the former Tymiliski electorate). The greatest
success, however, experienced by the ex-communists were the presidential elections of
1995 when their candidate Aleksander Kwagniewski succeeded in defeating the former
president Lech Walcsa in the second round and became state president.
Since that time the political preferences of the Poles have crystallised; also from the
spatial, geographical point of view. Therefore we can assume that at present the con-
servative (Solidarity, right wing) options are supported by approximately 40% of soci-
ety; liberal options (Union of Freedom, Union of Real Policy) have 10-15% adherents;
socialist options are supported by 30-35% of all voters  (Table 1),  while the peasant
options (Polish Peasant Party) find support of 10-15% of society.
GEOGRAPHICAL VIEWPOINT
Analysing the spatial differentiation of the election results, it appears that the con-
servative options are in the first place supported in the south-eastern parts of the coun-
try, in large agglomerations and in some borderland areas. In particular this is clearly
visible on the maps which show voting results in the communes  (gmina; Figure  5).
Liberal options find support in large cities and in the western part of the country.
Socialist options on the other hand have adherents in Western, Northern and Central

Mariusz Kowalski : Electoral Geography in Poland.
In: Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies,
1999. 87-95. p. Discussion Papers. Special
90
MARIUSZ KOWALSKI
Table 1
Electoral results of the Left, 1990-1997 (%)
Year
Ex-
Labour
Party of
Self-
Tymitiski's
Others
Left-wing
Turnout
commu-
Union
Retired
defence
Party
parties
fists
(Samo-
obrona)
1989
-
-
25.00
62.0
1990
9.21
-
-
-
23.10
-
32.31
60.6
1991
11.99
2.72
-
-
0.47
-
15.18
43.2
1993
20.41
7.28
-
2.78
2.74
-
33.21
52.1
1995
35.11
3.53
-
1.32
-
0.22
40.18
64.7
1997
27.13
4.74
2.18
0.08
-
0.02
34.15
48.0
Poland while peasant options are supported mainly in the central part of the country.
The spatial differentiation of political preferences, as mentioned above, in some way
ties in with the regional differences caused by the partition of Poland in the 19th and
20th centuries.
Liberal options usually find support in big cities, especially, however, in Western
Poland which belonged to Prussia.  (Figure 6)  Conservative parties are mostly support-
ed in former Galicia and in some present and former borderlands.  (Figure 7) Peasant
options are strongly supported in the former Russian sector (Kingdom of Poland;
Figure 8).  Left-wing options are supported in regions which at that time belonged to
Prussia, as well as in the western part of the Russian sector (with the exception of bor-
derlands with Polish ethnic groups of specific culture;  Figure 9).
THE ORIGIN OF REGIONAL DIFFERENTIATION
Regional differentiation can be explained by conditions of political, economic, cul-
tural and social life, going back to the 19th century partition of Poland. We can also
observe a large differentiation between cities and peripheries. This is the main non-
historical factor. Considerable social and economic changes in the 19th century, which
created the present national status of the Polish society, had strongly influenced the
character of regional societies. In the former Prussia and in the western part of the
Kingdom of Poland the so-called Prussian way to capitalism became dominant. This
implied large agricultural ownership with farm workers (rural working class), which
dominated over the individual landholders. In the western part of the former Kingdom
of Poland there were also big industrial centres with a high concentration of working
class. In my opinion this is the cause of the present strong socialist influences.

Mariusz Kowalski : Electoral Geography in Poland.
In: Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies,
1999. 87-95. p. Discussion Papers. Special
ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY IN POLAND
91
Figure 4
Results of the Solidarity movement, 1989
(11,1rn
•
•
,
trl 7-
•7 ,
le
17.8396
7475
Katowice
65-70
Rze cm
LI 6465
5460
4450
Figure 5
Lech Walesa's results in the communes, 1995

Mariusz Kowalski : Electoral Geography in Poland.
In: Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies,
1999. 87-95. p. Discussion Papers. Special
92
MARIUSZ KOWALSKI
The conservative opinion is dominant in Galicia with its traditional individual small
agricultural ownership. It is also due to the fact that this region belonged to the conser-
vative Habsburg Monarchy and inside this state enjoyed wide national autonomy. This
characteristic was very strong and has survived the recent industrialisation.
Conservative character is also shared by regional ethnic groups in present and former
borderlands. These groups are similar to the Hungarian ethnic group, the  szekely,
whose nature was formed by borderland conditions, and through contacts with differ-
ent, often antagonistic groups. They are a deeply patriotic and religious people. In
Polish territory there are such ethnic groups as the Silesians, Kashubians and
Highlanders  (Oral).  Also notable is the group of Mazovian small gentry (yeomanry)
with its traditions originating in the Middle Ages.  (Figure 3)
In the case of the Kingdom of Poland a very specific feature is the large number of
rural population in opposite to the big agglomerations (Warsaw, LAU). The social and
spatial differentiation in this region is the strongest. It was the land where economic
life was freer in the 19th century, whereas political and cultural life was under Russian
control. From 1866 to 1905 there were no Polish national institutions, no Polish admin-
istration, no official political life. The level of education was very low. This is the main
reason why the election turnout in this region is very low.
There were also strong influences of revolutionary movements in industrial centres
such as Lod2 and Sosnowiec. This is also the reason for the rather strong position of
the left-wing parties in this region, especially in its western parts. This is also the cause
of the influence of the peasant's party since national solidarity was weak in comparison
with Galicia. Society was more independent there than in other regions of Poland. The
Russians could rule but they could not change the more developed Polish society. This
is the cause of the greatest social differentiation of this region. It is also the cause of
local concentrations of conservative voters in areas where conditions were suitable for
the emergence of national solidarity. An example is the Mazovian group of yeomanry.
The special features of this region are considerable influences on the peasant political
option, on the large differentiation between towns and countryside, as well as the very
low turnout.
The liberal option in Poland is the strongest in large cities, especially in the western,
former Prussian part of Poland. It is due to the more advanced capitalist transforma-
tion and urbanisation.
A specific group of voters are the national and religious minorities. Owing to their
minority positions in Polish and Catholic society they have an inclination to vote for
the Left. A case in point is the Orthodox minorities in the Bialystok region  (Figure 10),
although there are also Ukrainian, and Lithuanian ethnic groups, as well as Protestant
and Greek Catholic religious groups. Their presence shapes the specific character of
the Polish borderlands.
In summary, the greatest impact on the spatial differentiation of political prefer-
ences have been the 19th and 20th century partitions of Poland. The second important
factor is the differences between countryside and towns (especially big metropolises).

Mariusz Kowalski : Electoral Geography in Poland.
In: Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies,
1999. 87-95. p. Discussion Papers. Special
ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY IN POLAND
93
Figure 6
Liberal option results, 1997
Lublin
Figure 7
Conservative option results, 1997

Mariusz Kowalski : Electoral Geography in Poland.
In: Spatial Research in Support of the European Integration. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies,
1999. 87-95. p. Discussion Papers. Special
ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY IN POLAND
95
Figure 10
Cultural and electoral geography of Bialystok voivodship
The Orthodox
Kwagniewski
1995
s . 75.1
70.1
1111 50.1-75.0
1150.1 - 70.0
El 25.1-50.0
MI 30.1 - 50.0
I 1 .25.0 %
ri 15.1 - 30.0
0
ri .15.0%